»Drag ikke udenlands i søgen efter uhyrer at ødelægge«.
LaRouche PAC Internationale Webcast,
22. sept., 2017.

»Drag ikke udenlands i søgen efter uhyrer at ødelægge«.
LaRouche PAC Internationale Webcast,
22. sept., 2017.
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I sin berømte tale til Kongressen advarede John Quincy Adams om, at Amerika »drager ikke til udlandet i søgen efter uhyrer at ødelægge«, men snarere respekterer »andre nationers uafhængighed samtidig med at bevare sin egen … og afholder sig fra indblanding i andres anliggender«. Et ekko af denne principerklæring fra John Quincy Adams kunne i denne uge høres i præsident Trumps tale til FN’s Generalforsamling, hvor han reelt erklærede afslutningen på politikken for regimeskifte og en unipolær verdensorden, som har domineret de seneste to administrationer, og erklærede, »Vi forventer ikke, at forskellige lande skal være fælles om de samme kulturer, traditioner eller endda regeringssystemer« og opfordrede til »en verden af stolte, uafhængige nationer, der … gør fælles sag i den største fælles interesse for os alle: en fremtid med værdighed og fred for befolkningen på denne vidunderlige Jord«.

Men præsident Trump modsagde imidlertid sig selv i selvsamme tale og opremsede bogstavelig talt et litani af ikke mindre end et halvt dusin »uhyrer, der skulle ødelægges«, fra Nordkorea til Iran, til Cuba, Venezuela og Syrien. Denne dobbelthed, som man ikke kan karakterisere som andet end »En fortælling om to taler«, som indeholdt det bedste og det værste, reflekterer den kamp, der nu raser, om dette præsidentskabs sjæl. De positive elementer af denne tale, som åbenlyst reflekterer en hældning mod at arbejde sammen med nationer som Kina og Rusland, må omfavnes. Men de andre, meget destruktive aspekter må opgives og summarisk afvises, og erkendes som det, de er: forsøg på at køre af sporet, det positive potentiale for et nyt system med win-win-relationer, udført af dem, der af geopolitiske grunde er imod det fremvoksende, nye paradigme for fred gennem økonomisk udvikling, som eksemplificeres af Kinas politik for den Nye Silkevej.

Vært Matthew Ogden: Godaften; det er 22. sept. 2017. Tak fordi I lytter til vores ugentlige, strategiske webcast her fra LaRouche PAC.

I denne uge har vi set FN’s Generalforsamling samles i New York City. Lad mig begynde aftenens udsendelse med at citere en stor, amerikansk præsident, statsmand og diplomat, hvis 250. fødselsdag vi fejrer i år: John Quincy Adams sagde det følgende i sin berømte tale til Kongressen den 4. juli, 1821: »Amerika udråbte for menneskeheden de umistelige rettigheder, som er menneskets natur, og de eneste lovlige fundamenter for regering. I forsamlingen af nationer … rakte Amerika det ærlige venskabs, den ligeværdige friheds og den generøse gensidigheds hånd frem til dem. Hun har … respekteret andre nationers uafhængighed og samtidig hævdet og bevaret sin egen. Hun har afholdt sig fra indblanding i andres anliggender, selv, når konflikterne har været over principper, som hun holder sig til, som til den sidste, vitale dråbe, der når hjertet … Hvor som helst standarden for frihed og uafhængighed har udfoldet sig, eller vil udfolde sig, dér vil hendes hjerte, hendes velsignelser og hendes bønner være … Men, hun drager ikke til udlandet i søgen efter uhyrer, der skal ødelægges. Hun er en velynder af frihed og uafhængighed for alle. Hun forfægter og advokerer kun sin egen. Hun vil anbefale den almene sag gennem sin stemmes udtryk og sit eget eksempels venlige sympati. Hun ved meget vel, at, ifald hun melder sig under andre faner end sin egen, er det end fanen for udenlandsk uafhængighed, ville hun involvere sig, så hun ikke kunne vikle sig ud, i alle krigene født af interesse og intrige, af personlige griskhed, misundelse og ærgerrighed, der antager frihedens farver og tilraner sig en frihedens standard … Hendes politiks fundamentale grundsætninger ville umærkeligt skifte fra frihed til magt. Båndet på hendes pande ville ikke længere gløde med frihedens og uafhængighedens uudsigelige pragt; men ville i dets sted snart blive erstattet af et imperialt diadem, der med falsk og uren glans udsender de skumle stråler af herredømme og magt. Hun kunne blive verdens diktator: hun ville ikke længer være herskeren af sin egen ånd.«

Denne principerklæring fra John Quincy Adams, som blev holdt for næsten 200 år siden, og som på mange måder var forudvidende på grænsen til det profetiske i sin advarsel; denne tale bør udgøre grundlaget for vores udenrigspolitik som republik, og er faktisk fortsat i centrum for spørgsmålet og fred og krig den dag i dag. Det er i forhold til denne erklæring, at vores lederes udtryk, siden dengang og frem til i dag, for amerikansk udenrigspolitik må måles og sammenlignes.

Her følger engelsk udskrift af resten af webcastet:  

Now, let us shift our focus to the speech which President

Trump delivered at the United Nations General Assembly on Tuesday

of this week.  I don’t think that there’s any other way of

characterizing what President Trump had to say other than to call

it “The Tale of Two Speeches”.  In some respects, it could be

seen as the best of all possible speeches; but in other respects,

and in a very large way, very substantially so, it was the very

worst of all speeches.  As Helga Zepp-LaRouche said, it was

almost as if he delivered two completely separate and

contradictory speeches at once.  One thing that’s very clear for

the observer, is that there are many opposing interests at work

in this administration, and that there’s a fierce policy war

ongoing right now behind the scenes for the very soul of this

Presidency.  It’s one which it is our responsibility to be very

clear-eyed about, to understand what the factors involved here

are, including the ongoing political coup attempt against this

Presidency from inside many of the institutions of our own

government.  But also to articulate the fact that this war is

ongoing, with sobriety and clarity.  And we must do this if we

are indeed intending to allow the very positive potential which

is reflected in this speech, to defeat the very negative

tendencies which are also very clearly present.

So, let’s take a look first at the positive elements of this

speech.  Granted, if you’ve only been reading the Western media

accounts, you might not have been exposed to many of the parts

which you are about to hear; and you might be very ignorant of

the fact that there was a very substantially positive aspect of

this speech.  For those who were there in the assembly hall

listening to the speech, and then for you who are viewing this

webcast right now, you might be surprised at the positive and

hopeful and clear-headed tone which began this speech.  One which

is perhaps very reminiscent of some of the statements that you

just heard John Quincy Adams make in that speech from almost 200

years ago.

What I’d like to do for you, is just play about seven or

eight minutes of the beginning of President Trump’s speech to the

United Nations General Assembly.

 

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP

:  To put it simply, we meet at a

time of both of immense promise and great peril. It is entirely

up to us whether we lift the world to new heights, or let it fall

into a valley of disrepair.

We have it in our power, should we so choose, to lift

millions from poverty, to help our citizens realize their dreams,

and to ensure that new generations of children are raised free

from violence, hatred, and fear.

This institution was founded in the aftermath of two world

wars to help shape this better future. It was based on the vision

that diverse nations could cooperate to protect their

sovereignty, preserve their security, and promote their

prosperity.

It was in the same period, exactly 70 years ago, that the

United States developed the Marshall Plan to help restore Europe.

Those three beautiful pillars — they’re pillars of peace,

sovereignty, security, and prosperity.

The Marshall Plan was built on the noble idea that the whole

world is safer when nations are strong, independent, and free. As

President Truman said in his message to Congress at that time,

“Our support of European recovery is in full accord with our

support of the United Nations. The success of the United Nations

depends upon the independent strength of its members.”

To overcome the perils of the present and to achieve the

promise of the future, we must begin with the wisdom of the past.

Our success depends on a coalition of strong and independent

nations that embrace their sovereignty to promote security,

prosperity, and peace for themselves and for the world.

We do not expect diverse countries to share the same

cultures, traditions, or even systems of government. But we do

expect all nations to uphold these two core sovereign duties: to

respect the interests of their own people and the rights of every

other sovereign nation. This is the beautiful vision of this

institution, and this is foundation for cooperation and success.

Strong, sovereign nations let diverse countries with

different values, different cultures, and different dreams not

just coexist, but work side by side on the basis of mutual

respect.

Strong, sovereign nations let their people take ownership of

the future and control their own destiny. And strong, sovereign

nations allow individuals to flourish in the fullness of the life

intended by God.

In America, we do not seek to impose our way of life on

anyone, but rather to let it shine as an example for everyone to

watch. This week gives our country a special reason to take pride

in that example. We are celebrating the 230th anniversary of our

beloved Constitution — the oldest constitution still in use in

the world today.

This timeless document has been the foundation of peace,

prosperity, and freedom for the Americans and for countless

millions around the globe whose own countries have found

inspiration in its respect for human nature, human dignity, and

the rule of law.

The greatest in the United States Constitution is its first

three beautiful words. They are: “We, the people.”  Generations

of Americans have sacrificed to maintain the promise of those

words, the promise of our country, and of our great history. In

America, the people govern, the people rule, and the people are

sovereign. I was elected not to take power, but to give power to

the American people, where it belongs.

In foreign affairs, we are renewing this founding principle

of sovereignty. Our government’s first duty is to its people, to

our citizens — to serve their needs, to ensure their safety, to

preserve their rights, and to defend their values.

As President of the United States, I will always put America

first, just like you, as the leaders of your countries will

always, and should always, put your countries first. [Applause.]

All responsible leaders have an obligation to serve their

own citizens, and the nation-state remains the best vehicle for

elevating the human condition. But making a better life for our

people also requires us to work together in close harmony and

unity to create a more safe and peaceful future for all people.

The United States will forever be a great friend to the

world, and especially to its allies. But we can no longer be

taken advantage of, or enter into a one-sided deal where the

United States gets nothing in return. As long as I hold this

office, I will defend America’s interests above all else.

But in fulfilling our obligations to our own nations, we

also realize that it’s in everyone’s interest to seek a future

where all nations can be sovereign, prosperous, and secure.

America does more than speak for the values expressed in the

United Nations Charter. Our citizens have paid the ultimate price

to defend our freedom and the freedom of many nations represented

in this great hall. America’s devotion is measured on the

battlefields where our young men and women have fought and

sacrificed alongside of our allies, from the beaches of Europe to

the deserts of the Middle East to the jungles of Asia.

It is an eternal credit to the American character that even

after we and our allies emerged victorious from the bloodiest war

in history, we did not seek territorial expansion, or attempt to

oppose and impose our way of life on others. Instead, we helped

build institutions such as this one to defend the sovereignty,

security, and prosperity for all.

For the diverse nations of the world, this is our hope. We

want harmony and friendship, not conflict and strife. We are

guided by outcomes, not ideology. We have a policy of principled

realism, rooted in shared goals, interests, and values.

 

OGDEN:  So, that was the beginning of President Trump’s speech to

the United Nations General Assembly.  As has been reported,

immediately afterwards in a press conference, Foreign Minister

Sergey Lavrov of Russia responded very favorably to that aspect

of the speech.  As he said, “I think it’s a very welcome

statement, which we haven’t heard from an American leader for a

very long time.”  This is true, in this aspect of the speech;

because what you just heard from President Trump was essentially

a declaration that the policy of regime-change was over.  He

said, we’re looking for a coalition of strong and independent

nations that will be sovereign nations, but will exist in shared

security, prosperity, and peace.  So, an end to the so-called

“unipolar” world.  He said, “We do not expect diverse countries

to share the same cultures, traditions, or even systems of

government.”  He said we should “let diverse countries with

different values, different cultures, and different dreams not

just coexist, but work side by side on the basis of mutual

respect.”  And, he said, these countries can work to make a

better life for all people by working together in “harmony and

unity”.  For the diverse nations of the world, this is our hope,”

he said.  “We want harmony and friendship, not conflict and

strife.”

So, this is a very positive statement of US foreign policy;

and one which could be taken as an end to the commitment to

geopolitics and a unipolar world.  However, from there, the

speech took a very dramatic turn.  Immediately after vowing that

the policy of regime-change was over, President Trump proceeded

to list off no less than half a dozen regimes in this world which

must be changed or overthrown.  Literally, he had a litany of

“monsters to destroy”, in the words of John Quincy Adams.  Apart

from vowing to “totally destroy North Korea”, he also called to

dismantle the Iranian nuclear deal; calling the Iranian

government a “corrupt dictatorship behind the false guise of a

democracy”.  And he similarly went after Syria, Cuba, and

Venezuela.  Curiously, nowhere did he call out the Saudis for

their genocidal war that’s now being perpetrated against the

people of Yemen, or their support — financial and otherwise —

for the hijackers that attacked the very city in which he was

speaking on 9/11 and killed almost 3000 Americans.  A case which

is now being litigated by family members of the victims of 9/11

in front of US court.

So, after hearing the initial statements of harmony and

friendship and respect for sovereignty and not seeking to impose

our way of life on anyone, but rather letting diverse nations

with diverse values, cultures, dreams, and even systems of

government, not merely mutually coexist but work side by side on

the basis of mutual respect.  After hearing those words —

frankly so reminiscent of what you heard John Quincy Adams say in

his address from 1821 — it was rather shocking to then hear in

exactly the same speech, President Trump proceed with a litany of

threats and regime change which frankly was reminiscent of George

W Bush’s infamous Axis of Evil speech.  We saw how that proceeded

with the case of the regime-change war in Iraq.  So, this is

precisely what John Quincy Adams had warned so strongly against

in the words “Let us not go abroad in search of monsters to

destroy.”

But then, after that litany of threats, President Trump then

proceeded to conclude his speech by saying the following: “Our

hope is a world of proud independent nations that embrace their

duties, seek friendship, respect others, and make common cause in

the greatest shared interest of all.  A future dignity and peace

for the people of this wonderful Earth.  This is the true vision

of the United Nations, the ancient wish of every people, and the

deepest yearning that lives inside every sacred soul.”

So, as I said, it was almost like the Tale of Two Speeches,

which somehow both got combined into one address.  But the kind

of self-contradiction and duality which was on display and came

across almost as being schizophrenic on the part of the speech

writer, taking very due note of the very positive aspects of what

he laid out in the beginning, what maybe could be called the

Trump Doctrine, the end of this unipolar world and the end of

regime change; the very dangerous and negative aspects of what he

then proceeded to say in the very same speech should not be

sugar-coated by any means.

In speaking with Helga Zepp-LaRouche earlier today, she had

the following to say.  She said, “It’s very clear that Foreign

Minister Lavrov responded to the positive elements of Trump’s

speech.  But it’s also clear that there are very negative and

very destructive elements of Trump’s speech which came across as

almost two different speeches.  How can you denounce regime

change on the one hand, and then make a list of half a dozen

regimes that you demand to be changed in the very same speech?”

She said that “The solution here is that Trump has to follow

through on the constructive things he said; but he must also

abandon the policies which are obviously destructive.  This North

Korea thing could blow up at any minute, if this policy

continues,” she said.  “It’s nice that he said the things that he

did in the beginning; but it’s almost like they are two opposing

policies coming out of his mouth.  What’s very clear is that

there are two opposing interests working on Trump.  There’s a war

ongoing for the soul of this Presidency.  The positive elements

of this policy statement must be reinforced and strengthened,”

she said.  “But, the negative elements — such as the verbal

escalation against North Korea — should be recognized as an

effort on the part of certain elements in this administration to

drive a wedge in the potential for cooperation between the United

States and China.  This policy,” she said, “has clearly been

inserted by the neo-con elements which are still influencing this

Presidency.

“What we must do, is demand that Trump stick to his promise

which he expressed in the campaign, to cooperate with Russia and

with China.  This is the world of independent nations united for

‘common cause and shared interests’ which he referred to in the

conclusion of his speech.  This should absolutely be pursued,”

she said, “but what that means is that this other stuff has got

to go.”  She noted that now with the increase in the US military

budget, which is now greater than ever before, we have nearly

$700 billion in our military budget; far greater than the next

seven countries in the world combined.  She asked the question:

How much of this money could be used for infrastructure instead?

She also emphasized that the point is that we have an

extraordinary opportunity on our hands; but there are also very

real dangers facing us as well.

In reflecting on what’s occurred this week, it’s always very

important to approach the situation from above; from the top

down.  The defining question for anybody who’s sober-minded in

international relations today is, will the world unite around the

New Paradigm of development which has been initiated by China in

the form of the New Silk Road policy?  Or, will a continuation of

the perpetual warfare policy and regime-change policy of the past

two administrations be allowed to escalate and to derail this

emerging potential?  Both in terms of undermining the ability of

the United States and countries such as China and Russia to

cooperate, and also in a very real way, threatening to actually

bring the world to the brink of thermonuclear war.  Will the

United States abandon the geopolitics associated with the Cold

War and the British imperial of zero-sum game and unipolar

hegemony, and instead embrace the win-win paradigm of peace

through development and relationships between countries based on

mutual respect, mutual benefit, and mutual gain?

The answer to that question still remains unclear in the

wake of President Trump’s address to the United Nations General

Assembly, either in the positive or in the negative.  But, if you

look at the world stage, we are watching before our very eyes, a

new paradigm in the relations between nations emerge.  This is

seen very clearly in the Belt and Road Initiative and all the

developments that are associated with that — the positive

development projects that China is bringing to central Asia, and

emphatically bringing to Africa, and bringing to Latin America.

Apart from all the political gossip and all the partisan

propaganda and media punditry that you’re exposed to on a daily

basis, the question for an American citizen to ask is, how will

President Trump respond to this emerging new paradigm?  And how

will the United States fit into that emerging new international

dynamic of peace through development?  That’s the measuring rod

against which not only his words but his actions must be judged.

He has some very clear opportunities in the coming months to

follow through on what is clearly his inclination for a positive

relationship with China and with Russia; including his seemingly

very positive personal relationship with President Xi Jinping.

The ASEAN summit is upcoming in less than two months, and it has

been announced that President Trump will be travelling to attend

the ASEAN summit.  As part of that trip to Asia, he will be

making his very first state visit to China.  This has all of the

positive potentials; it implies everything that could occur in

terms of the United States joining the New Silk Road, following

up on the attendance to the Belt and Road Forum by Matthew

Pottinger, who was sent personally by Trump as an envoy of the

United States.  The personal visits that President Xi Jinping has

made to the United States; the very good appointment of Terry

Bransted to be the Ambassador to China, who we know has very

positive views of China-US relations.  Also, emphatically the

question of Chinese investment into rebuilding the infrastructure

of the United States, in the wake of Hurricane Harvey, Hurricane

Irma, now Hurricane Maria and the destruction that that has

wrought on the island of Puerto Rico.  This question of not only

reconstruction, but construction of an entirely new

infrastructure platform in the United States could not be more

urgent.  President Trump has committed himself to at least $1

trillion in investment in that kind of infrastructure.  We know

that the scale is far, far greater; and that requires a return to

Hamiltonian economics.  But it also requires the United States to

enter into a very decisive and reciprocal relationship with China

in terms of mutual investment and mutual development.  That is

the framework around which the positive opportunities for

cooperation with China can be built.

If we take that kind of approach from above and say it’s not

within the interstices of Congressional partisan politics, or

bickering inside the halls of Congress that we’re going to make

the necessary policy revolution in terms of the economics of the

United States.  But it’s from recognizing that a far greater

global process is now underway; a dynamic which is sweeping the

planet.  It’s sweeping away both the geopolitical paradigm of

British imperial divide and conquer geopolitics; but it’s also

bringing in an entirely new approach to how you construct peace

through economic development.

So, the defining question in international relations is, how

will the United States fit into that?  That remains the

overarching question at the very root of this fight for the soul

of the US Presidency.

As we’ve documented and will be continuing to document in an

exposé which is forthcoming from LaRouche PAC, there is a very

real concerted effort from inside the institutions of the United

States to undermine this Presidency and to box Trump into making

very real strategic mistakes.  The time has come for him to learn

those lessons and to throw that aspect out, and to embrace the

positive aspects as you could hear in the beginning of this

address to the United Nations General Assembly.

So, let me go back to the words of President John Quincy

Adams, who was our chief diplomat as Secretary of State for many

years, who was diplomat to the nation of Russia, and after being

President for one successful term, returned to the United States

Congress and fought a battle against slavery which in turn

inspired Abraham Lincoln.  But in his prophetic and very

prescient speech, he warned that yes indeed, the United States of

America will proclaim the “inextinguishable rights of human

nature”, will abstain from “interference in the concerns of

others”, will “respect the independence of other nations while

asserting and maintaining her own.”  “But America does not go

abroad in search of monsters to destroy.”  He warned that if we

were to do that, the “fundamental maxims of our policy would

change insensibly from liberty to force.  We would no longer beam

with the splendor of freedom and independence, but instead an

“imperial diadem would be substituted, flashing in false and

tarnished lustre in the murky radiance of dominion and power.”

We would become the dictator of the world; “no longer the ruler

of [our] own spirit.”

So, let us take a lesson from the words of John Quincy

Adams.  Let us once and for all abandon the regime-change

geopolitics of the last two administrations; and let us embrace

decisively and fully the new win-win paradigm which has been

spelled out so clearly by President Xi Jinping of China, both in

words and in actions.  And was indicated by President Trump in

the beginning of his speech to the United Nations General

Assembly.  Let us embrace those policies, and let us abandon the

policies of regime change and perpetual war.

Thank you for joining me here today, and please stay tuned

to larouchepac.com.

 

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