English: The English original is found below the Danish translation.
Det følgende er en biografi om Lyndon LaRouche, skrevet af Helga Zepp-LaRouche, som var hans kone og nærmeste samarbejdspartner i årtier. Den blev skrevet på etårsdagen for Lyndon LaRouches død (12. februar 2019) og udgivet som introduktion til Lyndon LaRouches Collected Works, Vol. 1 i 2020.
Både 1. og 2. bind er tilgængeligt her: Lyndon LaRouche’s Collected Works
Den engelske original findes under den danske oversættelse.
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Indledning
Der er formentlig ingen anden tænker i det 20. og begyndelsen af det 21. århundrede, som der er mere delte meninger om, og hvis arbejde samtidig indeholder de mest grundlæggende begreber, der er nødvendige for menneskeartens varige overlevelsesevne, end Lyndon LaRouche. Alene af den grund har LaRouche Legacy Foundation forpligtet sig til indledningsvis at udgive hans vigtigste skrifter om økonomi, kultur, videnskab og historie og dermed begynde at udgive hans omfattende samlede værker i en slags præsidentielt bibliotek.
Lyndon LaRouche repræsenterede den klareste modpol til den årtusindgamle tradition for det imperiale oligarki, som i alle sine mange manifestationer konsekvent har forsøgt at forsvare sine egne privilegier over for en befolkning, som det bevidst har holdt tilbagestående gennem kontrol og manipulation af ideer og så-kaldte “nar- rativer”. Lyndon LaRouche havde en enestående viden om dette oligarkis metoder – fra de ældste mesopotamiske, persiske og egyptiske imperier over de romerske og byzantinske imperier og Venedig og til det anglo-hollandske og det Britiske Imperium, både i sin historiske form siden Paris-traktaten i 1763 og i sin nuværende udformning som finansoligarkiet i City of London og Wall Street.
Endnu mere imponerende var hans universelle overblik over alle de ideer og perioder i verdenshistorien, der er ansvarlige for menneskehedens positive udvikling – den klassiske periode og renæssancen – og over idékampen mellem den oligarkiske og den republikanske samfundsmodel, som Friedrich Schiller beskriver med så stor indsigt i sit essay »Lycurgus’ og Solons lovgivning«. Alle de ideer, principper og begreber, der tjener menneskehedens mål, som defineret af Solon af Athen, nemlig »vedvarende fremskridt«, hvad enten det er inden for naturvidenskab, poesi, musik og de skønne kunster eller regeringsformer og lovspørgsmål, blev bragt til live af LaRouche i hans skrifter og i hans enorme livsværk. På den måde lagde han grunden til en ny renæssance for klassisk, humanistisk tænkning.
Årsagen til hans usvigelige analytiske evne til blandt de mange manifestationer at skelne mellem de ideer, der bidrager til at forbedre mennesket, og dem, der hæmmer dets erkendelsesmæssige evner, ligger i en af hans vigtigste opdagelser. Den specifikke videnskabelige økonomiske metode for fysisk økonomi, som han videreudviklede i traditionen fra Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, omfatter alle områder af den menneskelige fornuft – kunst, videnskab, jura og statskunst. Ved at anvende denne metode udviklede han begrebet potentiel rela- tiv befolknings-densitet, hvis vedvarende stigning er det empiriske kriterium for, om den fremherskende tankemetode i et samfund er gældende eller ej. Derfor vil ethvert samfund, der afviser nødvendigheden af vedvarende nye opdagelser af universelle fysiske principper, sætte sin egen fortsatte eksistens på spil og miste sin moralske og praktiske overlevelsesevne. Det faktum, at det relative befolkningspotentiale er vokset fra et primitivt samfund på omkring 10 millioner mennesker for omkring 10.000 år siden til det nuværende befolkningsniveau på omkring 7,8 milliarder, er et bevis på, at menneskeheden er i stand til med stigende præcision at opdage de love, der ligger til grund for den universelle, anti-entropisk udviklende skabelse.
Det faktum, at Lyndon LaRouches rekord i økonomiske prognoser
er af hidtil uset nøjagtighed, skyldes også dette mentale styringsprincip. Som fortaler for fysisk økonomi afviste han alle sta- tistiske, matematiske eller algoritmiske prognosemodeller, men han tog hensyn til aspekter som f.eks. en given politiks indvirkning på den langsigtede udvikling af en befolknings erkendelsesmæssige potentiale samt andre faktorer i en økonomis produktive potentiale. LaRouche-Riemann-modellen, som han udviklede, var baseret på opfattelsen af det komplekse domænes geometri, sådan som den blev udviklet fra Archytas’ fordobling af kuben, de fem platoniske legemer, til det isoperimetriske princip opdaget af Nicholas af Cusa, Leibniz’ relativistiske topologi, Riemanns begreb om fysiske mangfoldigheder og endelig Einsteins generelle relativitetsteori. Et af de mest revolutionerende aspekter af Lyndon LaRouches tænkning er, at han omstødte den kunstige adskillelse mellem Naturwissenschaft og Geisteswissenschaft, naturvidenskab og kunst, som blev indført på Kants og Savignys tid, og beviste, at de kreative evner i det menneskelige sind, som fører til dannelse af passende videnskabelige sammenhænge, er de samme som dem, der er nødvendige for at komponere og forstå klassiske kunstværker. Ligesom LaRouche identificerede de nødvendige forgængere og tilsvarende efterfølgere i opdagelsen af stadig mere komplekse principper i naturvidenskaben, identificerede han også lignende fremskridt for mange former for kunst, især i de sidste tre tusinde år af Europas historie.
Mens LaRouche gør denne idékamp mellem den oligarkiske og den republikansk-humanistiske model mere forståelig end hidtil, er hans formål aldrig, på trods af hans næsten leksikalske viden, at behandle emnet som sådan, men snarere at befri læseren fra sine sansers fangenskab. Den påståede pålidelighed af de blotte sanseindtryk er sammen med manglen på viden om bekræftelige universelle principper inden for videnskab og kunst grundlaget for, at folk accepterer deres status som underordnede i et oligarkisk system, hvis meninger kan manipuleres i det oligarkiske etablissements interesse. I dag kaldes udøvelsen af en sådan indflydelse for »social ingeniørkunst«; tidligere var det for eksempel oraklet i Delfi, præsterne i de gamle templer, manipulationer gennem brød og cirkus i de romerske amfiteatre – en rolle, der i vores samfund er overtaget af underholdningsindustrien og main stream-medierne.
Hele LaRouches livsværk går ud på at give folk de intellektuelle redskaber til at hæve sig over niveauet for fornuftssikkerhed og udvikle deres egen kreative fornuft. Da den menneskelige art udgør det eneste kreative, skal hvert enkelt individ frigøre dette kreative potentiale i sig selv og udvikle det til den smukkeste opblomstring. For Lyndon LaRouche handler det om kreativitet i sig selv, det princip, der svarer til menneskets dybeste medfødte identitet og evne, og som afspejler de grundlæggende love for udviklingen af det fysiske univers.
På trods af de mange og forskelligartede forhindringer, som det oligarkiske etablissement opstillede mod LaRouche, hvis kraftfulde sind de erkendte relativt tidligt og kom til at frygte – forhindringer, der strakte sig fra en indledende overvågning af FBI i 1950’erne; til hans indespærring af George H.W. Bush-regeringen, som blev beskrevet af Ramsey Clark, den tidligere justitsminister i Johnson-administrationen, som involverende »en bredere vifte af bevidst og systematisk forseelse og magtmisbrug over en længere periode i et forsøg på at ødelægge en politisk bevægelse og leder, end nogen anden føderal retsforfølgelse i min tid eller så vidt jeg ved….« – de kunne ikke skræmme hans revolutionære sind.
Han var fuldstændig indre afklaret, inde fra sig selv. Karakterstyrken fra denne indre vilje til selvbestemmelse kom fra den følelse, som beskrives i Paulus’ første brev til korintherne (1. Korintherbrev 13), fra agape.
Denne kærlighed til sandhed, kærlighed til klassisk skønhed og kærlighed til mennesket var kilden til hans kreative aktivitet, som kommer til udtryk i hans skrifter, hans politiske kampagner, præsentationer og tusindvis af diskussioner i mange lande i verden. I The Science of Christian Economy, som er udgivet i dette bind, beskriver LaRouche den måde, hvorpå et individ bedst kan bruge de begrænsede ressourcer i sin forgængelige eksistens:
Det er i det enkelte menneskes højeste, sande egeninteresse at foretrække, at vælge en handling, som er til forholdsvis størst og mest vidtrækkende gavn for fremtidige generationer af hele menneskeheden. Et sådant valg er underforstået en handling af hellig kærlighed til menneskeheden, forudsat at den valgte handling er af passende kvalitet og er motiveret af en sådan særlig intention.
Det er den effekt, LaRouche havde på millioner af tv-seere og tusinder og atter tusinder af mennesker fra hele verden, som kom i kontakt med ham i løbet af de mange årtier af hans lange liv. På sine mange rejser i Amerika, Europa, Afrika og Asien mødte han mennesker fra alle samfundslag, fra præsidenter til fiskere, fra videnskabsfolk til studerende, og et stort antal af dem kommenterede hans livlige, energiske sind, som ofte, på bare ét personligt møde, ville tilføje noget af fundamental betydning til deres liv. Denne ekstraordinære effekt, som den sublime og storslåede karakter af hans personlighed havde på hans samtalepartnere og hans publikum, fortsætter vedvarende på den måde, som han selv beskrev, som citeret ovenfor.
Tusindvis af mennesker, nogle gange flere generationer af den samme familie, har observeret, hvordan deres møde med hans skrifter eller hans person havde en varig indflydelse på deres liv. Virkningen af hans ideer kan på en måde sammenlignes med en stigende bølge, som på trods af alle forsøg på at inddæmme den er ustoppelig og bliver mere og mere kraftfuld fra generation til generation, hvilket øger frugtbarheden i deres sind og styrker det menneskelige i deres sjæle. Og selv om han konstant bragte højere dimensioner og overraskende aspekter ind i disse diskussioner, efterlod han også sine samtalepartnere og tilhørere med en glædelig fornemmelse af, at de selv, deres eget sind, havde opnået en dybere indsigt. På den måde opfyldte LaRouche til fulde det krav, som Friedrich Schiller fremsatte i sin åbningstale til sine forelæsninger om universel historie, nemlig at knytte vores flygtige eksistens til den udødelige kæde, der snor sig gennem alle de mange generationer i den menneskelige arts historie.
Lyndon LaRouche besad takket være den videnskabelige metode, han udviklede, en forbløffende forudseenhed i den forstand, som Nicholas af Cusa beskrev: at en sandhedssøgende på forhånd skal vide, hvad han søger, ellers kan han ikke bedømme, om det, der findes, er det, der blev søgt. Denne egenskab gjorde det ikke kun muligt for ham som økonom at forudsige økonomiske processer og det finansielle system korrekt, men også at komme med en unik nøjagtighed med et karakteristisk navn for nye historiske fænomener, mens hans samtidige stadig gned sig i øjnene i forbløffelse.
I 1960’erne påpegede LaRouche de langsigtede destruktive konsekvenser, som rock-drug-sex-modkulturen ville have på befolkningens erkendelsesmæssige potentiale, en effekt, som ingen i det 21. århundredes tredje årti længere kan benægte. Han advarede også profetisk om den destruktive langtidseffekt af præsident Nixons nedlæggelse af Bretton Woods-systemet den 15. august 1971, som LaRouche påpegede enten ville føre til faren for en ny depression og en ny fascisme eller til en ny og retfærdig økonomisk verdensorden. På samme måde genkendte han i den såkaldte Asien-krise i 1997 begyndelsen på den globale finanskrise, som selv nu er i dramatisk optrapning. Det var hans metode inden for økonomisk videnskab, der gjorde det muligt for ham i 1984 at forudsige Sovjetunionens undergang inden for fem år, ligesom han i oktober 1988 forudså den kommende genforening af Tyskland med Berlin som valg af fremtidig hovedstad – to prognoser, som aldrig faldt hans samtidige ind. Lige så præcis var hans vurdering den 3. januar 2001, tre uger før George W. Bush flyttede ind i Det Hvide Hus, da han advarede om, at man i betragtning af det globale finanssystems tilstand og den nye regerings hensigter måtte forvente en ny »rigsdagsbrand« – og det var ni måneder før den 11. september 2001.
Lyndon LaRouche stillede i alt op otte gange som præsidentkandidat.
Da kandidater med tilknytning til ham vandt de demokratiske primærvalg i Illinois i 1986, iværksatte det samme hemmelige efterretningsapparat, der var allieret med det militærindustrielle kompleks, og som senere gennem »Russiagate« og rigsretsprocessen forsøgte først at eliminere en præsidentkandidat og derefter fjerne en behørigt valgt præsident fra embedet, et enormt korstog mod LaRouche med politistatsmetoder.
Hvis Lyndon LaRouche var blevet USA’s præsident, som det var muligt i 1986, ville verdenshistorien have fulgt en helt anden kurs, mod en mere retfærdig økonomisk verdensorden og en renæssance for den klassiske kultur i Amerika og Europa, som efter al sandsynlighed ville have inspireret de bedste traditioner i alle andre kulturer i verden. LaRouche ville straks have gennemført ideen om en international udviklingsbank, som han havde foreslået i 1975, som erstatning for Den Internationale Valutafond, mens et nyt Bretton Woods-system på det grundlag ville have muliggjort industrialisering af udviklingssektoren i næsten et halvt århundrede nu. Vi ville ikke have nogen flygtningekrise i dag, men derimod ville det enorme kreative potentiale i mange nationer i udviklingssektoren, med meget unge befolkningsgrupper i gennemsnit, have bidraget til at nå menneskehedens fælles mål. Vi ville ikke have nogen geopolitisk konfrontation mellem atomare magter, da atomvåben for længst ville være blevet teknologisk forældede takket være forsvarssystemer baseret på nye fysiske principper, og en ny international sikkerhedsarkitektur kunne være blevet oprettet, som det fremgår af konceptet for et strategisk forsvarsinitiativ udarbejdet af LaRouche, der officielt blev erklæret amerikansk politik af præsident Ronald Reagan den 23. marts 1983.
Internationalt samarbejde mellem suveræne nationer ville for længst have ført til kvalificerede gennembrud inden for atomar fusionskraft, inden for samarbejdsbaseret rumforskning og inden for udviklingen af en Verdenslandbro, der forbinder alle kontinenter gennem infrastruktur. Det faktum, at disse ideer om et nyt paradigme i de in- ternationale relationer mellem verdens nationer nu forfølges konkret af en stor del af menneskeheden, er en indikator for både effektiviteten af disse ideer – uanset hvilke indviklede måder de måtte have fundet vej over landegrænser på lang sigt – og deres nødvendighed i forhold til menneskehedens udvikling. Vi ville sandsynligvis have haft en landsby på Månen nu, som udgangspunkt for kolonisering af Mars og interstellare rumflyvninger. Vi ville have løst grundlæggende spørgsmål inden for biofysik; fundet metoder til at behandle mange sygdomme, der i dag er uhelbredelige eller svære at kurere; etableret et internationalt advarselssystem for jordskælv, tsunamier og vulkanudbrud; og vi ville have vundet terræn i den fælles indsats for at forsvare vores planet mod asteroider, meteorer og kometer. Det er blot nogle få af de projekter, som en eller flere LaRouche-regeringer ville have iværksat i samarbejde med andre nationer i stedet for at øge rigdommen hos et voksende antal milliardærer på bekostning af det fælles bedste.
Respekten for USA i resten af verden ville være helt anderledes, end den er i dag.
En række statsmænd og højtstående repræsentanter for førende civile, militære, videnskabelige og kulturelle institutioner, som mødtes med Lyndon LaRouche under hans rejser, sagde ligeud, at han var den eneste amerikaner, som de kunne stole fuldt ud på. Når han talte med den mexicanske præsident José López Portillo om det program, han havde udarbejdet for den infrastrukturelle integration af Latinamerika, med premierminister Indira Gandhi om et 40-årigt udviklingsprogram for Indien eller med afrikanske intellektuelle om industrialiseringen af deres kontinent, kunne de være hundrede procent sikre på, at han altid havde disse landes interesser for øje og aldrig det mindste spor af de kolonialistiske bagtanker, som repræsentanter for udviklingssektoren normalt må konfrontere, når de diskuterer med dem fra den såkaldte udviklede sektor.
USA selv ville for længst være vendt tilbage til sine grundlæggeres vision og igen være blevet et frihedens tempel og et håbets fyrtårn. Det ville spille en ledende rolle i verden, ikke med sin militære magt, men med inspiration fra videnskabelig fremragende kvalitet og kulturel skønhed, som det ville dele med resten af verden for at fremme deres udvikling. Amerikanske byer ville blive forbundet med hinanden med maglev- og hyperloop-højhastighedssystemer; nye byer ville blive bygget i de såkaldte “flyv-over”-stater”, baseret på principperne om arkitektonisk skønhed; og alle ville have faciliteter til at betjene en videnorienteret befolkning og behovene i et samfund, hvis højeste mål er at fremme udviklingen af borgernes fulde kreative potentiale.
Et Lyndon LaRouche-præsidentskab i USA ville have realiseret Benjamin Franklins og de stiftende fædres vision og uafhængighedserklæringens løfte om en ægte offentlighed, der udelukkende er forpligtet på borgernes fælles bedste:
Vi anser disse sandheder for at være selvindlysende, at alle mennesker er skabt lige, at de af deres Skaber er udstyret med visse umistelige rettigheder, at blandt disse er liv, frihed og stræben efter lykke….
Med hensyn til udenrigspolitik ville John Quincy Adams’ forslag have været fremherskende, at Amerika ønskede andre nationers frihed og uafhængighed, at »hun ikke rejser ud for at finde monstre at ødelægge«.
LaRouche videreudviklede ikke kun kvalitativt det amerikanske økonomiske system, som udtrykkeligt blev udviklet af Alexander Hamilton mod det britiske system, og videreført af Henry Clay, Friedrich List, Henry C. Carey og Franklin D. Roosevelt, men han formulerede også en vision for en helt ny æra i menneskehedens historie, hvor alle former for imperialisme, kolonialisme og oligarki ville blive overvundet. Den kommende tidsalder ville efter hans mening i stigende grad blive bestemt af den noëtiske proces som defineret af Vladimir Vernadsky på en sådan måde, at samarbejde mellem nationer såvel som relationer mellem individer ville blive formet i henhold til verificerbare universelle principper inden for kunst og videnskab. Retten til irrationelle meninger ville blive afløst af den forståelige fornufts love, som er i harmoni med det fysiske univers’ ontologiske love.
Lyndon LaRouche var et renæssancemenneske. Hans usædvanligt smukke og produktive sind levede i ideernes rige, som han fuldt ud ejede og kunne bringe i spil i diskussioner på en grundig og præcis måde. Uanset om det var Eratosthenes’ opdagelse af jordens omkreds, de astrofysiske forestillinger, der lå underforstået i Bal Gangadhar Tilaks skrifter om astronomi før 4000 f.Kr. og hans forsøg på at datere Vedaernes oprindelse; sammenligningen af den lydiske udvikling af korsstemmer i Mozarts Ave verum til forskel fra Beethovens sene strygekvartet, Opus 132; betydningen af kædeprincippet i Brunelleschis kuppel i Firenzes katedral; eller følelsen af agape som grundlaget for al kreativitet – bare for at nævne nogle få af tusindvis af lignende unikke ideer i hans sind – LaRouche var i stand til at gøre disse ideer lige så levende, som de var, da de oprindeligt blev opdaget. Den inspirerende effekt af en sådan levende kreativitet på hans partnere i sådanne diskussioner var elektrisk, og hvis de havde åbne sind og hjerter, udløste det en gnist af kreativitet i dem. Denne overflod af ideer, struktureret og fri på samme tid, er præcis den nødvendige inspiration til den nye renæssance, som vil føre menneskeheden ind i en ny æra.
Han var også en forsynets mand, ikke i en strengt religiøs
forstand, men for så vidt som hans ideer er i overensstemmelse med universets forståelige lovmæssighed og som følge heraf med den menneskelige arts vedvarende overlevelsesevne i dette univers. Derfor er det ikke dristigt at hævde, at Amerikas skæbne vil blive påvirket af, hvis ikke direkte afhænge af, den hyldest, det betaler til sin største søn. Uafhængigt af det er Lyndon LaRouche og hans ideer placeret i evighedens samtidighed, og han bor, som i Raphaels fresko af Skolen i Athen, blandt de største tænkere, som menneskeheden har frembragt.
Helga Zepp-LaRouche 12. februar 2020
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The following is the original English biography of Lyndon LaRouche, written by Helga Zepp-LaRouche, who was his wife and closest collaborator for decades. It was written on the one year anniversary of Lyndon LaRouche’s death (February 12, 2019), and published as the introduction to Lyndon LaRouche’s Collected Works, Vol. 1 in 2020. Both Vol. 1 and Vol. 2 are available here: Lyndon LaRouche’s Collected Works
Introduction
Introduction
There is perhaps no other thinker of the twentieth and the beginning of the twenty-first centuries on whom opinions more diverge, and whose work contains at the same time the most profound concepts required for the durable survivability of the human species, than Lyndon LaRouche. If only for that reason, the LaRouche Legacy Foundation has made the commitment to initially publish his most important writings on economy, culture, science, and history, and thus begin to issue his comprehensive collected works in a kind of Presidential Library.
Lyndon LaRouche presented the clearest counterpole to the millennia-old tradition of the imperial oligarchy, which in all of its many manifestations has consistently sought to defend its own privileges against a population that it consciously kept backward through the control and manipulation of ideas and so-called “narratives.” Lyndon LaRouche had unparalleled knowledge of that oligarchy’s methods—dating from the most ancient Mesopotamian, Persian, and Egyptian empires through the Roman and Byzantine empires and Venice, and to the Anglo-Dutch and British Empire, both in its historical form since the Treaty of Paris of 1763, and in its current variant as the financial oligarchy of the City of London and Wall Street.
Even more impressive was his universal overview of all of those ideas and periods of world history responsible for the positive development of the human species—the classical and Renaissance periods—and of the battle of ideas between the oligarchical and republican models of society that Friedrich Schiller describes with such great insight in his essay “The Legislation of Lycurgus and Solon.” All the ideas, principles, and concepts that serve the aim of mankind, as defined by Solon of Athens, namely “continual progression,” be they in the fields of natural science, poetry, music and the fine arts, or forms of government and matters of law, were brought to life by LaRouche in his writings and in his enormous life’s work. In that way, he laid the basis for a new Renaissance of classical, humanist thinking.
The reason for his unerring analytical ability to distinguish from among the abundant manifestations those ideas that are conducive to the improvement of man, from those that stunt his cognitive capacities, lies in one of his most important discoveries. The specific scientific economic method of physical economy, which he further developed in the tradition of Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, encompasses all areas of human reason—art, science, law, and statecraft. By applying this method, he developed the notion of potential relative population-density, whose continual increase is the empirical criterion for whether or not the prevailing method of thinking in a society is valid. Accordingly, any society that rejects the necessity of constantly new discoveries of universal physical principles, jeopardizes its own continued existence and loses its moral and practical fitness to survive. The fact that the relative population potential has grown from a primitive society of about 10 million people some 10,000 years ago, to the current population level of about 7.8 billion, is the proof that mankind is able to discover, with increasing precision, the laws underlying universal, anti-entropically developing creation.
The fact that Lyndon LaRouche’s record of economic forecasts is of unprecedented accuracy, is also due to this mental ordering principle. As a proponent of physical economy, he rejected all statistical, arithmetic, or algorithmic models of forecasting, but he took into consideration aspects such as the effects of a given policy on the long-term development of a population’s cognitive potential, as well as other factors of an economy’s productive potential. The LaRouche–Riemann model he developed was based on the conception of the geometry of the complex domain, such as it was developed from the doubling of the cube by Archytas, the five Platonic solids, to the isoperimetric principle discovered by Nicholas of Cusa, the relativistic topology of Leibniz, Riemann’s concept of physical manifolds, and finally Einstein’s theory of general relativity. One of the most revolutionary aspects of Lyndon LaRouche’s thinking is that he overturned the artificial separation between Naturwissenschaft and Geisteswissenschaft, the natural sciences and the arts, posited during the time of Kant and Savigny, and proved that the creative faculties of the human mind which lead to forming adequate hypotheses in science are the same as those needed to compose, and to understand, classical works of art. Just as LaRouche identified the necessary predecessors and corresponding successors in the discovery of ever more complex principles in the natural sciences, he also identified similar advances for many forms of art, in particular in the last three thousand years of European history.
While LaRouche makes this battle of ideas between the oligarchical and republican-humanist models more intelligible than heretofore, his purpose is never, despite his nearly encyclopedic depth of knowledge, to treat that subject as such, but rather to free the reader from the captivity of his senses. The alleged certainty of mere sense perceptions, together with the lack of knowledge of verifiable universal principles in science and art, is the basis upon which people come to accept their status as underlings in an oligarchical system, whose opinions can be manipulated in the interests of the oligarchical ruling establishment. Today, exercising such influence is called “social engineering”; in former times it was, for example, the Oracle of Delphi, the priests in the ancient temples, manipulations through the bread and circus of the Roman amphitheaters—a role assumed in our society by the entertainment industry and mainstream media.
LaRouche’s entire life’s work aims at giving people the intellectual tools to rise above the level of sense certainty and to develop their own creative reason. As the human species is the only creative every individual to free this creative potential within himself and develop it to the most beautiful florescence. For Lyndon LaRouche is concerned with creativity per se, the principle that corresponds to man’s most innate identity and ability, and which represents the fundamntal laws of development of the physical universe.
Despite the many and varied obstacles that the oligarchical establishment raised against LaRouche, whose powerful mind they recognized relatively early on and came to fear—obstacles extending from an initial surveillance by the FBI in the 1950s; to his incarceration by the George H.W. Bush administration, which was described by Ramsey Clark, the former Attorney General of the Johnson administration, as involving “a broader range of deliberate and systematic misconduct and abuse of power over a longer period of time in an effort to destroy a political movement and leader, than any other federal prosecution in my time or to my knowledge….”—they could not intimidate his revolutionary mind. He was completely innerly defined, from within himself. The strength of character stemming from this inner self-determination came from the emotion that is described in Paul’s first letter to the Corinthians (I Corinthians 13), from agape.
This love of truth, love of classical beauty, and love of mankind were the source of his creative activity, which is expressed in his writings, his political campaigns, presentations, and thousands of discussions in many countries of the world. In The Science of Christian Economy, which is published in this volume, LaRouche describes the way in which an individual can best use the limited resources of his ephemeral existence:
It is the highest, true self-interest of that individual person, to prefer, to choose an act which is of the relatively greatest and most far-reaching benefit to future generations of all mankind. Such a choice is implicitly an act of sacred love toward mankind, on the condition that the chosen act is of appropriate quality and is motivated by such a specific intention.
Such is the effect that LaRouche had on millions of television viewers and thousands upon thousands of people from all over the world, who came into contact with him over the many decades of his long life. During his numerous trips in the Americas, in Europe, Africa, and Asia, he met with people of all walks of life, from Presidents to fishermen, from scientists to students, a huge number of whom commented on his lively energetic mind which often, in just one personal meeting, would add something of fundamental importance to their lives. This extraordinary effect that the sublime and great nature of his personality had on his interlocutors and his audiences, continues to persist in the way that he himself described, as quoted above.
Thousands of people, sometimes several generations of the same family, have observed how their encounter with his writings or his person had a lasting influence on their lives. The effect of his ideas can be compared, in a sense, to a rising surge which, despite all the attempts to contain it, is unstoppable and grows more and more powerful from generation to generation, increasing the fertility of their minds and strengthening the humanity in their souls. And although he constantly brought higher dimensions and surprising aspects into these discussions, he also left his interlocutors and listeners with the joyful sense that they themselves, their own minds, had acquired deeper insights. In that way, LaRouche fulfilled thousandfold the demand put forth by Friedrich Schiller in his inaugural speech to his lectures on universal history, namely to attach our fleeting existence to the immortal chain that winds through all the many generations of the history of the human species.
Lyndon LaRouche, thanks to the scientific method he developed, possessed an astonishing prescience, in the sense described by Nicholas of Cusa: that a truth-seeker must know beforehand what he is seeking, otherwise he cannot judge whether what is found is what was sought. That quality of mind not only enabled him as an economist to correctly forecast economic processes and the financial system, but also to come up with unique accuracy with a distinctive name for newly emerging historical phenomena, while his contemporaries were still rubbing their eyes in amazement.
In the 1960s, LaRouche pointed to the long-term destructive consequences that the rock-drug-sex counter-culture would have on the cognitive potential of the population, an effect that no one in the third decade of the twenty-first century can deny any longer. He also warned prophetically of the destructive long-term effect of President Nixon’s takedown of the Bretton Woods system on August 15, 1971, which LaRouche said would either lead to the danger of a new depression and a new fascism, or to a new and just world economic order. Likewise, he recognized in the so-called Asian crisis of 1997 the beginning of the global financial crisis which is even now escalating dramatically. It was his method of economic science that allowed him in 1984 to forecast the demise of the Soviet Union within five years, just as in October 1988 he foresaw the coming reunification of Germany with Berlin as the choice for the future capital—two forecasts that never even occurred to his contemporaries. Just as accurate was his evaluation of January 3, 2001, three weeks before George W. Bush moved into the White House, when he warned that, given the state of the global financial system and the intentions of the incoming administration, a new “Reichstag fire” incident had to be expected—and that was nine months before September 11, 2001.
Lyndon LaRouche ran altogether eight times as a Presidential
candidate. When candidates associated with him won statewide Democratic primaries in Illinois in 1986, the same secret intelligence services apparatus allied with the military-industrial complex that later attempted through “Russiagate” and the impeachment process to first eliminate a Presidential candidate and then remove a duly elected President from office, launched a huge crusade against LaRouche with police-state methods.
Had Lyndon LaRouche become President of the United States, as that potential emerged in 1986, world history would have followed a totally different course, toward a more just world economic order and a Renaissance of classical culture in America and Europe, which would in all likelihood have inspired the best traditions in all other cultures of the world. LaRouche would have immediately implemented the idea of an International Development Bank, such as he had proposed in 1975, to replace the International Monetary Fund, while a New Bretton Woods system on that basis would have allowed the industrialization of the developing sector for nearly half a century, by now. We would have no refugee crisis today, but rather, the enormous creative potential of many nations in the developing sector, with very young populations on average, would have contributed to achieving the common aims of mankind. We would have no geopolitical confrontation between nuclear powers, as nuclear weapons would have long since been rendered technologically obsolete, thanks to defensive systems based on new physical principles, and a new international security architecture could have been set up, as laid out in the concept of a Strategic Defense Initiative drafted by LaRouche, that was officially declared U.S. policy by President Ronald Reagan on March 23, 1983.
International cooperation among sovereign nations would have led, long ago, to qualitative breakthroughs in thermonuclear fusion power, in cooperative space research, and in the development of a World Land-Bridge connecting all continents through infrastructure. The fact that these ideas of a new paradigm in international relations among nations of the world are now being concretely pursued by a large part of mankind, is an indicator of both the effectiveness of these ideas—by whatever intricate paths they may have found their way across national borders over the long term—and their necessity in terms of mankind’s evolution. We probably would have had a village on the Moon by now, as a jumping-off base for the colonization of Mars and interstellar space flights. We would have resolved fundamental questions in biophysics; found methods to treat many currently incurable or hard to cure diseases; established an international warning system for earthquakes, tsunamis, and volcanic eruptions; and we would have gained ground in joint efforts to defend our planet from asteroids, meteors, and comets. That is to name just a few of the projects that one or more LaRouche administrations would have launched in cooperation with other nations, instead of increasing the wealth of a growing number of billionaires at the expense of the common good.
Esteem for the United States in the rest of the world would be completely different than it is today. A number of statesmen and high-ranking representatives of leading civil, military, scientific, and cultural institutions who met with Lyndon LaRouche during his travels, said outright that he was the only American whom they could fully trust. When he spoke with Mexican President José López Portillo about the program he had drafted for the infrastructural integration of Latin America, with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi about a 40-year development program for India, or with African intellectuals about the industrialization of their continent, they could be one hundred percent sure that he always had the interest of those countries in mind, and never the slightest trace of the colonialist ulterior motives which representatives of the developing sector normally have to confront when discussing with those from the so-called developed sector.
The United States itself would have long since returned to the vision of its Founding Fathers and become once again a temple of liberty and beacon of hope. It would play a leading role in the world, not with its military power, but with the inspiration of scientific excellence and cultural beauty, which it would share with the rest of the world to foster their development. American cities would be linked to each other by maglev and hyperloop high-speed systems; new cities would be built in the fly-over states, based on the principles of architectural beauty; and all would have facilities to serve a knowledge-oriented population and the needs of a society whose highest goal is to foster the development of the full creative potential of its citizens.
A Lyndon LaRouche Presidency in the United States would have realized the vision of Benjamin Franklin and the Founding Fathers, and the promise of the Declaration of Independence of a Republic exclusively committed to the common good of the citizens:
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness…. In terms of foreign policy, the proposition of John Quincy Adams would have prevailed, that America wished for the freedom and independence of other nations, that “she goes not abroad, in search of monsters to destroy.”
LaRouche not only qualitatively further developed the American System of economics, as explicitly developed by Alexander Hamilton against the British system, and furthered by Henry Clay, Friedrich List, Henry C. Carey, and Franklin D. Roosevelt, but he also formulated a vision for an entirely new era of human history, in which all forms of imperialism, colonialism, and the oligarchy would be overcome. The coming age, in his view, would be increasingly determined by the noëtic process as defined by Vladimir Vernadsky, in such a way that cooperation among nations as well as relations among individuals would be shaped according to verifiable universal principles in art and science. The right to irrational opinion would be supplanted by the laws of intelligible reason, which are in harmony with the ontological laws of the physical universe.
Lyndon LaRouche was a Renaissance man. His exceptionally beautiful and prolific mind lived in the realm of ideas which he completely owned and could call up in discussions thoroughly and precisely. No matter if it was the discovery of the circumference of the Earth by Eratosthenes; the notions of astrophysics implicit in the writings by Bal Gangadhar Tilak about astronomy before 4000 b.c. and his effort to date the origin of the Vedics; the comparison of the role of the Lydian progress of cross-voice development in Mozart’s Ave verum as distinct from Beethoven’s late string quartet, Opus 132; the significance of the catenary principle of Brunelleschi’s cupola of the Florence cathedral; or the emotion of agape as the basis of all creativity—just to name a few of thousands of similar unique ideas in his mind—LaRouche was able to make these ideas as alive as they were when originally discovered. The inspiring effect of such lived creativity on his partners in such discussions was electric, and if they had open minds and hearts, initiated the spark of creativity in them. That abundance of ideas, structured and free at the same time, is exactly the necessary inspiration for the new Renaissance, which will get mankind to a new era.
He was also a man of providence, not in a strictly religious sense, but insofar as his ideas are in accordance with the intelligible lawfulness of the universe and, as a result, with the sustained survivability of the human species in this universe. Therefore, there is no boldness in asserting that the fate of America will be influenced by, if not directly depend on, the tribute it pays to its greatest son. Independently from that, Lyndon LaRouche and his ideas are located in the simultaneity of eternity, and he dwells, as in Raphael’s fresco of the School of Athens, among the greatest minds that mankind has brought forth.
Helga Zepp-LaRouche February 12, 2020
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