Nordjyske artikel om Aalborg professor Li Xing:
Forsker overrasket: Er endt på Ukraines sorte liste

Følgende artikel findes på Nordjyskes hjemmeside

Aalborg-professor anklages for at have pro-russiske holdninger, men det afviser han blankt

Billedetekst: Professor Xing Li blev overrasket, da han erfarede, at han var blevet sortlistet af ukrainske myndigheder. 

– Jeg er ikke bange, for jeg har ikke handlet forkert. Jeg er heller ikke bange, men jeg er ked af det. For det er skadeligt, at de på den måde forsøger at lukke munden på frie forskere. 

Sådan siger Xing Li – professor og de seneste ti år tilknyttet Aalborg Universitets Institut for Politik og Samfund  – som en kommentar til, at han er blevet sortlistet af de ukrainske myndigheder. 

Ukraines Center for Modvirkning af Desinformation – en del af landets nationale sikkerhedsråd – kalder Xing Li og en række andre for pro-russiske og anklager dem for at bakke op om den russiske fortælling om krigen. 

I alt står der 72 navne på listen, og mange af dem er betydeligt mere kendte end den aalborgensiske professor.

Mest prominente navn er den amerikanske, republikanske senator, Rand Paul, der i senatet har blokeret for en amerikansk hjælpepakke på 40 milliarder dollar til Ukraine. Men også to tidligere franske præsidentkandidater er anført sammen med en række forskere fra hele verden. 

Men Xing Li afviser blankt, at han skulle være være hverken pro-russisk eller på nogen måde støtte den russiske invasion af Ukraine. 

Præcist hvorfor han er endt på listen er uvist, men årsagen kan være hans udtalelser på et videoseminar arrangeret af den politiske tænketank Schiller Instituttet i København.

På seminaret, der handlede om den aktuelle sikkerhedspolitiske struktur i verden og fandt sted sidst i maj, sagde Xing Li blandt andet, at udvidelsen af forsvarsalliancen Nato kan have været en afgørende faktor for, at Rusland gik ind i Ukraine, og at den blokbaserede sikkerhedspolitik ikke er holdbar i længden. 

Han sagde også, at sanktioner mod styret i Moskva ikke virker efter hensigten – at de rammer hårdere i Vesten, end de gør i Rusland. 

– Det er udtalelser, der er baseret på forskning og ikke på politisk overbevisning. Længe før krigen i Ukraine var vi mange forskere, der stillede spørgsmål ved den blokbaserede sikkerhedspolitik, og når jeg tvivler på sanktionernes effekt, er det også på baggrund af forskning, siger Xing Li. 

Han blev temmelig overrasket, da han fandt ud af, at hans navn figurerede på listen. De ukrainske myndigheder lagde den online 15. juli, men Li Xing fandt først ud af det omtrent en uge senere, da en af hans venner i Kina så listen, og gav Xing Li besked. 

– Jeg har boet i Danmark i mange år, og en af de værdier, jeg sætter højest, er ytringsfriheden og retten til fri forskning. Hvis det nu havde været den kinesiske regering, der havde lavet en lignede liste, var den helt sikkert blev fordømt af politikere, men fordi det er Ukraine, er jeg ikke sikker på, at der sker mere, siger Xing Li. 

Hvilke konsekvenser det måtte have at stå på Ukraines sorte liste er uklart – på hjemmesiden fremgår det ikke, og det er ikke lykkedes at få fat i Center for Modvirkning af Desinformation. 

På Aalborg Universitet giver Ukraines sortlistning af Xing Li ikke anledning til at tvivle på professorens evner eller intentioner i forhold til at udtale sig om konflikten.

Så længe professorens udtalelser er baseret på videnskabeligt arbejde og ikke på personlige holdninger, er det vigtigt at kunne sige, hvad man mener, lyder det fra rektor Per Michael Johansen.

– Selvom det er en meget uheldig og forfærdelig konflikt i Ukraine, skal det jo ikke bremse forskerne i at kunne fremføre de forskningsresultater, de har skabt på et forskningsfagligt grundlag, siger han til DR. 




Jyllands-Postens interview med Jens Jørgen Nielsen om Ukraine listen:
Fire danskere er blevet sortlistet af Ukraine: »Det er jo ikke første gang, jeg er blevet kaldt Putin-apologet«

Fire danskere er blevet sortlistet af Ukraine: »Det er jo ikke første gang, jeg er blevet kaldt Putin-apologet«

Ukraine har offentliggjort en liste med personer, som landet mener deler »pro-russiske fortællinger«. »Jeg tænkte da, at det var en joke,« siger historiker og forfatter Jens Jørgen Nielsen, som er en af de fire danskere på listen.

Artiklens øverste billede
Jens Jørgen Nielsen er cand. mag. i historie og idéhistorie og har i mange år specialiseret sig i Rusland. Nu fremgår han på en ukrainsk liste over personer, der spreder »pro-russisk propaganda«

Fire personer med tilknytning til Danmark har fundet vej til en liste udgivet af de ukrainske myndigheder. Listen indeholder, ifølge de ukrainske myndigheder, personer »der promoverer fortællinger, som stemmer overens med russisk propaganda«.

Den her blacklist, tyder jo heller ikke på et demokratisk mindset. Det lugter jo lidt af Sovjetunionen. At der er én sandhed, og dem, der ikke deler den, er forbrydere.

Jens Jørgen Nielsen, forfatter og historiker.

Listen blev offentliggjort den 14. juli i år af Center for Modvirkning af Desinformation under Ukraines Nationale Sikkerhedsråd og indeholder i alt 72 navne, på personer som den ukrainske regering mener har fremsat russisk propaganda.

Resten af artiklen er for abonnenter og kan læses her.

Emner:

Jens Jørgen Nielsen kom på listen fordi han talte på en konference arrangeret af “den politiske tænketank Schiller Instituttet København. Konferencen omhandlede udenrigs- og sikkerhedspolitik, og her holdt Jens Jørgen Nielsen et oplæg, hvor han blandt andet fortalte om baggrunden for krigen i Ukraine”. De tre andre danskere og svenskere på listen talte også på Schiller Instituttets konference.

Jens Jørgen Nielsen siger, at han ikke spreder russiske propaganda. Han har sagt, at invasionen var et fejlgreb, men han er kritisk overfor Vestens sanktioner mod Rusland, og “at vi skal finde ud af, hvad det vil betyde, hvis vi fx bliver ved med at sende våben til Ukraine”.

Artiklen rapporterer også om DR’s interview med professor Li Xing fra Aalborg Universitet, en anden taler på Schiller Instituttets konference den 25. maj 2022.

 




NYHEDSORIENTERING JULI-AUGUST 2022:
Ukraine sortlister 30 talere på Schiller Instituttets konferencer
For et nyt Bretton-Woods kreditsystem
Ophæv sanktionerne mod Rusland!

Download (PDF, Unknown)




DR’s hjemmeside: Aalborg-professor er på sort liste hos de ukrainske myndigheder

Her er linket: Aalborg-professor [Li Xing] er på sort liste hos de ukrainske myndigheder




Aalborg professor Li Xings tale på Schiller Instituttets videokonference den 25. maj 2022. Links.

Li Xings tale begynder 1 time 43 min. inde i videoen.

Dansk oversættelse:

Li Xing, ph.d.: Kinesisk forslag til en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur:
 Xi Jinpings forslag fra april om en ny international sikkerhedsarkitektur,
Bælte- og Vej-Initiativet og det Globale Udviklingsinitiativ

Transcript of the original English version:

Li Xing, PhD: Chinese proposals for a new security and development architecture, Xi Jinpings April proposal for a new international security architecture,  the Belt and Road Initiative and the Global Development Initiative 




Jan Øbergs sortliste respons: Ukraine sviner folk over hele verden
til som led i desinformationskrigen

Jan Øberg var en af fire talere på Schiller Instituttets danske-svenske videokonference den 25. maj 2022, som kom på Ukraines sortliste.

Fra Jan Øbergs blog:
På Engelsk:
Ukraine smears people around the world as part of the disinformation war

his is an addendum to the article below published on July 28, 2022. The thing was worse than I had thought. I’ve been alerted to the fact that the acting director of the Ukrainian Center for Combating Disinformation, Andriy Shapovalov, had this to say at a recent seminar with the telling title: “Truth And Security”

Andrei Shapovalov: Individuals who knowingly spread disinformation are information terrorists”

Representatives of state authorities, public organizations, mass media and international experts took part in a roundtable on combating disinformation.

Participants discussed the methods used in Ukraine and abroad, as well as the legal framework and specifics of interaction between the civil society and state authorities to counter fakes and disinformation in the context of cyber security.

During the discussion, the acting head of the Centre for Combating Disinformation Andriy Shapovalov said that people who knowingly spread disinformation are information terrorists. He argued that legislation should be amended to protect the information space.

“Information terrorists must know that they will have to answer to the law as military criminals,” he added.

Also during his speech, the Acting Head of the Centre said that Ukraine has definitely taken the upper hand in the information warfare.

The roundtable was organized by the National Security Service Academy, the Civilian Research and Development Foundation of the United States (CRDF Global Ukraine), the International Academy of Information, and the coordinating platform National Cyber Security Cluster. The event was supported by the US Department of State.”

The government of Ukraine runs this Centre for Combating Disinformation as part of its National Security and Defense Council directly under President Zelensky who has this article – about making the Center an international hub – on his homepage. It’s part of a larger framework:

“The National Cybersecurity Cluster is the coordination platform that joins resources, capabilites, competencies of the Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council and the U.S. Civilian Research and Development Foundation (CRDF Global), government institutions, international partners and private sector” – all of which participated in the mentioned seminar.

One notices the close relations with US like-minded institutions and that the seminar was “supported by the US Department of State.”

The whole thing appears bizarre and hilarious. Unintentionally comic. For years, I have argued for a peaceful solution to the conflict, including protecting Ukraine by a huge United Nations peace-making mission. See just two examples from 2014 here and here. And here are nine other articles from 2014-2017 with the word “Ukraine” in the title. I have written about Ukraine in so many other articles.

Just browse the titles and judge for yourself. Do they make me a pro-Russian disinformer? A terrorist? A man to be sentenced by a military court? Hilarious!

But this intellectual and political level makes one wonder whether what we hear from Kiyev these days is at the same level and equally untruthful.

It also makes you wonder what role the US plays in this information war.

I expect the governments of the countries in which these 70+ are citizens to take up, without delay, this smearing campaign with the Ukrainian authorities.

The original article:

The government of Ukraine runs a Center Countering Disinformation. It seems to be tasked with telling the world who carries the truth and who are Spokespeople who are pushing a rhetoric that is in tune with the Russian propaganda.

I’m including in a list issued by the Center together with around 70 people, many of whom I am honoured to be grouped with. The Center published the list on its Facebook page with a rather weird text about how they have put us all in three categories: the third, for instance, “condemn Russian aggression, but inclined Ukraine to negotiate and oppose the supply of weapons to our state (20%).” Condemning Russian aggression and being in tune with Russian propaganda. Oh, well!

I suppose I am in that category since I distanced myself from the Russian invasion of Ukraine but also believe that the present arming of Ukraine is utterly counterproductive and will have unspeakably destructive consequences for Ukraine in particular. But, sadly, the US and NATO countries are united – so far – in (mis)using Ukraine as the battlefield to weaken Russia and “win” over it. That is, as a proxy – fighting for itself and Ukraine to the last Ukrainian. See my article on that here.

On the list are a series of diplomats, professors, politicians, media people and even former CIA people and some of them have already expressed their surprise at seeing themselves on that list – for instance, Edward Luttwak who has lobbied NATO governments to send weapons to Ukraine and is generally known as a hawk.

In summary, it is one of those intellectually and morally poor attempts, of course, to smear people who have a balanced view or are not 100% on your side. It’s based on a simple twofold table and not a fourfold table – as I say in the video below. The Centre’s employees have no idea about how one makes a professional conflict analysis and choose to do what many do these days: Attack your position without understanding analytical content.

The whole thing appears bizarre, hilarious. Unintentionally comic.

Russia Today – RT – is the Russian equivalent to, say, CNN or BBC. But unless you have a proxy server, you cannot see their articles and programs because numerous Western countries have prevented access to it – in violation of your human rights, but that doesn’t bother them. They wanted to do a report and panel discussion and approached me as one of the participants. The other participant is Bradley Blankenship who is also on the Ukrainian list.

Let me be very clear – also with reference to my principled media policy: If a Ukrainian TV channel had done the same, I would of course be pleased to accept its invitation too. Let’s see whether they dare do a face-to-face with the people they have smeared on their list – best Joe McCarthy 1950 style.

I hope the link below works for you, if not here is the link to RT on Yandex – you know, RT has been thrown out of YouTube…Enjoy!
———————

Her er Jan Øbergs tale fra Schiller Instituttets videokonference:

Jan Øberg: Hvorfor vi har brug for en ny sikkerhedsarkitektur?//
Nej til Sverige og Finland i NATO.
Tale ved Schiller Instituttets seminar den 25. maj 2022

Interview med freds- og fremtidsforsker Jan Øberg:
Om Ukraine-Rusland-USA-NATO krisen,
Danmarks forhandlinger om amerikanske soldater i Danmark, og
Xinjiang spørgsmålet, den 21. februar 2022

21. februar 2022




Personer med relation til LaRouche-bevægelsen “hædret” på Ukraines sorte liste over “fortalere,
der fremmer fortællinger, som er i overensstemmelse med russisk propaganda

Den 26. juli 2022 (EIRNS) – LaRouche-bevægelsens organisatorer og Schiller Instituttets konferencetalere udgør de første 30 medlemmer på listen over 78 “fortalere, der fremmer fortællinger, som er i overensstemmelse med russisk propaganda”, der er offentliggjort af Ukraines Center for Countering Disinformation, som en moderne McCarthyistisk sortliste.

Listen er blevet omfattende kommenteret på de sociale medier, i tv og i medier som UnHerd og Newsweek, selv om de fleste beretninger gør sig umage for at udelade at nævne Schiller Instituttets grundlægger, Helga Zepp-LaRouche, den anden person på listen!

“Center for Countering Disinformation” (navnet kræver anførselstegn), som blev dannet i marts 2021, offentliggjorde listen den 14. juli. Det er det første indlæg, der er blevet offentliggjort under hjemmesidens “rapport”-sektion, siden Ruslands iværksættelse af militær aktivitet i Ukraine den 24. februar.

Det lader til, at hele første del af listen er blevet udarbejdet ved at scanne listen over talere på Schiller Instituttets konferencer. Listen indledes med Graham Fuller, Helga Zepp-LaRouche, Jens Jørgen Nielsen, oberst. Richard Black, Ray McGovern, Jim Jatras, Harley Schlanger, Alain Corvez, Shakeel Ahmad Ramay, Wang Wen, Tony Magliano, Jay Naidoo, Chen Xiaohan, Alessia Ruggeri, ambassadør Raghavan (der var opført som taler til konferencen den 9. april, selv om han faktisk ikke deltog), Saeed Naqvi, George Koo, Jacques Cheminade, Caleb Maupin, Jan Øberg, Li Xing, Ulf Sandmark, Gen. Leonardo Tricarico, Eric Denécé, Wolfgang Bittner, Sam Pitroda, Clifford Kiracofe, Diane Sare, Geoff Young, Mike Callicrate og Jason Ross – som alle enten er medlemmer af Schiller Instituttet eller har talt på de seneste af Schiller Instituttets konferencer, herunder fire talere fra den dansk-svenske videokonference den 25. maj 2022.

Andre prominente navne omfatter Clare Daly, Scott Ritter, Tulsi Gabbard, Jacques Baud, Jeffrey Sachs, Rand Paul, Douglas Macgregor, Lula da Silva, Eric Zemmour, Marine Le Pen, Glenn Greenwald, John Mearsheimer og Kim Dotcom.

Den fulde liste findes på dette link:

https://cpd.gov.ua/reports/спікери-які-просувають-співзвучні-ро/

Omtale af Unherd:

https://unherd.com/thepost/ukraine-government-issues-blacklist-of-russian-propagandists/

Omtale af Newsweek:

https://www.newsweek.com/tulsi-gabbard-rand-paul-placed-list-russian-propagandists-ukraine-1727831

 




Li Xing, ph.d.: Kinesisk forslag til en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur:
 Xi Jinpings forslag fra april om en ny international sikkerhedsarkitektur,
Bælte- og Vej-Initiativet og det Globale Udviklingsinitiativ

København, den 28 juni 2022. Li Xing, ph.d.: Kinesisk forslag til en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur:
 Xi Jinpings forslag fra april om en ny international sikkerhedsarkitektur, Bælte- og Vej-Initiativet og det Globale Udviklingsinitiativ.

Tale til Schiller Instituttets seminar i Danmark og Sverige, den 25. maj 2022: For en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur for alle nationer, ikke en styrkelse af geopolitiske blokke. NEJ til at afskaffe forsvarsforbeholdet. NEJ til Sverige og Finland i NATO

Ordstyrer Michelle Rasmussen: Næste taler er Li Xing, som er direktør for Forskningscentret for udvikling og internationale Forhold ved Aalborg Universitet i Danmark. Han har en ph.d. i dette emne. Li Xing er professor ved Institut for politik og Samfund og Det Samfundsvidenskabelige Fakultet og er desuden forfatter. Ordet er dit. 

Li Xing: Først og fremmest vil jeg gerne takke dig, Michelle, og takke Schiller Instituttet i Danmark for at have inviteret mig til at deltage i dette seminar. Jeg har virkelig lært meget af de foregående taleres analyser, især af Helga, Jens Jørgen Nielsen og Jan Øberg. De er langt større eksperter i Ukraine-sagen end undertegnede. Jeg vil forsøge at give et perspektiv fra et kinesisk synspunkt. Jeg husker, at Jens startede med at fortælle om det at blive ældre og om den historiske udvikling af hans erfaringer. 

Det samme gælder for mit vedkommende. Da jeg kom til Danmark, var jeg 25 år gammel, og kan nu se håret blive gråt. På det tidspunkt, det var i firserne, var Kina i gang med økonomiske reformer, i den meget tidlige fase. Kina var meget fattigt, målt på alle områder, men i dag er Kina meget mere avanceret, meget mere udviklet og har opnået stor succes på alle niveauer. På sin vis har tingene ændret sig. 

På det tidspunkt, for 40 år siden, var der ingen, der betragtede Kina som en trussel. Men i dag kan man se en række vestlige medier, der dæmoniserer Kina og bagvasker Kina. Så jeg tænker, hvad er der galt med disse ting? Der må være noget, der ændrer sig, fordi Kinas magt gjorde Vesten meget bange, eller af andre årsager. Helga har bidraget med en stor mængde analyser. 

Emnet i dag handler om den internationale sikkerhedsorden.  Det er meget vigtigt for mig, fordi jeg er professor i internationale relationer. Jeg mener virkelig, at dette emne er ekstremt vigtigt og aktuelt. 

Først og fremmest vil jeg gerne tale om Kinas holdning til krigen i Ukraine. De førende vestlige medier beskriver Kinas standpunkt som akavet. Måske forekommer den faktisk at være meget akavet. Ifølge min fortolkning kan den kinesiske holdning til Ukraine-krigen fortolkes som en mønt bestående af to sider. På den ene side handler det om suverænitet, om territorial integritet. Krigen påvirker naturligvis Ukraines suverænitet og territoriale integritet. 

Men på den anden side af mønten er det præcis det, som Helga og Jens Jørgen omtalte. Hvad er de faktorer, som udløste Ruslands adfærd? Var Ruslands handling udtryk for den amerikanske model med præventivt selvforsvar? For under antiterrorkrigene brugte amerikanerne præventive angreb, præventivt selvforsvar som et argument, som en slags forsvar for deres krigspolitik. Så vi er nødt til at forstå, hvorfor Kinas holdning beskrives som værende akavet. 

Vi må ikke glemme, at Kina og Rusland lige før krigen havde en fælles erklæring, hvor begge parter faktisk meget klart erklærede, at de vil støtte hinanden med hensyn til den anden parts nationale sikkerhedsspørgsmål. For Ruslands vedkommende er det krisen i Ukraine, og for Kinas vedkommende er det Taiwan-spørgsmålet. Begge parter var også enige om, at NATO’s udvidelse betragtes som en omringning af Rusland, hvilket er en sikkerhedsmæssig bekymring for Rusland. De to lande var også imod en amerikansk ledet militærlejr eller sikkerhedslejr i det asiatiske Stillehavsområde. Man kan sige, at den kinesiske holdning består af to aspekter, men at den er mere sympatisk over for den russiske part. Dette er min fortolkning. 

Jeg mener også, at Helgas udlægning af fejlen ved den nuværende sikkerhedsstruktur, som hun kalder geopolitik, hvilket betyder, at en blok af nationer forsøger at definere eller har defineret deres interesser over for en anden blok af nationer – det betyder, at når man danner blokke, føler man sig sikker, men man får modstanderen på den anden side til at føle sig usikker. Dette udgør dilemmaet.   

Jeg finder faktisk, at Helgas synspunkt er helt i tråd med den kinesiske præsident Xi Jinpings forståelse af manglerne ved den nationale sikkerhedsorden i dag, og det, som Xi Jinping for nylig på en konference kaldte en blokbaseret sikkerhedsstruktur. Han betegnede det også som gruppepolitik, blokkonfrontation, små kredsløb. Man kan se, at både Helgas og Xi Jinpings forståelse af manglerne i den nuværende sikkerhedsarkitektur er ganske identiske. 

Hvis jeg skal foretage en dybdegående analyse – hvad er der så helt præcist galt med den nuværende sikkerhedsstruktur? Det vil sige, hvis man betragter venstre side, har man NATO, og man kan se NATO’s udvidelse i hele denne historiske periode siden 1990’erne. I dag taler vi om Finland og Sverige, og nu skal Danmark stemme om, hvorvidt landet skal tilslutte sig en europæisk hær, en slags uafhængigt sikkerhedsorgan, men det er mere eller mindre også inden for samme struktur som NATO. Det er gruppepolitik, blokpolitik.   

På højre side kan man se, at vi har andre typer af blokbaserede sikkerhedsstrukturer: Five Eyes [efterretningsalliancen bestående af Australien, Canada, New Zealand, Storbritannien og USA]. Inden for Five Eyes er der AUKUS med tre lande: Storbritannien, Australien og USA, som udgør en endnu mindre gruppe. Måske mener de, at Canada og New Zealand ikke er stærke nok til at modstå Kina. Måske har man ikke tillid til dem. Disse tre lande danner en endnu mindre kreds. 

Så er der Quad: Indien, USA, Japan, Australien. Der er Indo-Pacific Security Dialogue. Biden var i Sydkorea for et par dage siden, og folk begynder at tale om, hvorvidt Sydkorea bør være en del af Quad-området. 

Der er tale om multilaterale blokke, men der er også bilaterale blokke. Der er Japan-USA eller Sydkorea-USA. Der er også Australien-USA.  Alle disse lande omgiver Kina og forsøger på en eller anden måde at holde Kina i skak. 

Hovedproblemet ved denne type sikkerhedsstruktur er det vi kalder sikkerhedsdilemma-spiralen, hvilket betyder, at lande kan risikere at blive destruktive over for hinanden. Hvis land A reagerer på noget, vil land B styrke sin kapacitet til at modvirke land A. Så bliver land A bekræftet af land B’s handling. Så er land A nødt til at investere yderligere i militære midler. Dette er en slags dilemma-spiral, som er meget destruktiv. De foregående talere har tidligere forklaret det. 

Jeg er professor i internationale relationer, og mange i dette publikum forstår ideen om en international orden. Når vi taler om den internationale orden, starter vi med den Westfalske Fred, og Helga nævnte også den Westfalske Traktat fra 1648. Den Westfalske Konference eller “den Westfalske Orden” blev betragtet som den første internationale orden, en regelbaseret orden baseret på to hovedprincipper: staters suverænitet og territorial integritet. 

Disse to hovedprincipper blev også indskrevet i FN’s charter. Da USA eller de allierede lande, efter Anden Verdenskrig oprettede FN, sammen med Bretton Woods-systemet, indgik disse to grundprincipper i FN’s charter. 

Desværre følte de sig efter Den kolde Krig, hvor USA var førende i Vesten, meget begejstrede. De blev fuldstændig indlejret i denne triumf-mentalitet, og denne form for mentalitet blev teoretiseret eller begrebsmæssigt forestillet af Francis Fukuyama, den amerikanske politolog, som “historiens afslutning”. Nu skulle Vesten bestemme. Der er ingen alternativer. Det liberale demokrati efter amerikansk forbillede og den liberale kapitalisme er den eneste vej. Derfor er USA og Vesten ligeglade med den Westfalske Orden. Den er ikke betydningsfuld. Vi ser, hvad der sker. Vi har bombningen af Jugoslavien eller Irak-krigen, farvede revolutioner: den orange revolution, tulipanrevolutionen, rosenrevolutionen, alle disse revolutioner. Hvor er de grundlæggende principper i den internationale orden: suverænitet og territorial integritet? Nej. Det er typiske interventionsbaserede revolutioner. 

Nu undres jeg virkelig meget. Med hensyn til krigen i Ukraine taler alle europæiske lande, alle vestlige lande om suverænitet og territorial integritet. Jeg overvejer, hvad med disse revolutioner og interventionisme? Jeg erindrer, at under alle disse farverevolutioner var et af argumenterne, at hvis statsledere ikke er dygtige, hvis de ikke overholder vestlige standarder for demokrati og menneskerettigheder, så bør de afsættes. Det er den samme logik, som Putin måske har i tankerne, at hvis han føler, at Ukraine skaber et sikkerhedsdilemma for ham, så vil han fjerne det. Er dette en dobbeltmoral? 

Nu bevæger vi os ind i den fremtidige verdensorden. Hvad vil verdensordenen udgøre? Jeg har den opfattelse, at der vil være tale om et system med flere ordener. Det er et af de projekter, jeg er involveret i, og vi har fået støtte til at teoretisere om den fremtidige verdensorden, som vil være en multi-orden, ikke én verdensorden med forskellige poler, men en multi-orden, dvs. grupper af lande, der er allieret med én stor magt langs kulturelle, identitetsmæssige og historiske linjer. Er det den verden, som vi kommer til at se? Det aner jeg ikke. 

Jeg er nødt til at understrege, hvad løsningen er fra Kinas perspektiv. Præsident Xi Jinping holdt en tale på Boao Forum for Asien den 27.-28. april, hvor han understregede et par nøglepunkter som led i sit globale sikkerhedsinitiativ. Han påpegede vigtigheden af fælles, omfattende, samarbejdsorienteret og bæredygtig sikkerhed, fordi en bredt baseret sikkerhed ikke er holdbar. Han påpegede også, at det blokbaserede NATO er et produkt af Den kolde Krig. Vi bør opgive Den kolde Krigs mentalitet. Vi bør modsætte os unilateralisme og gruppepolitik og arbejde for en fredelig løsning af kriser. 

Vi bør afvise dobbeltmoralen. Jeg har netop påpeget dobbeltmoralen. Vi bør endvidere modsætte os unilaterale sanktioner. Dæmoniseringen af Rusland er et aspekt, og sanktionerne mod Rusland er et andet aspekt, fordi der ikke er nogen sanktioner, som er godkendt af FN. Det er EU’s eller Vestens egne sanktioner. Kineserne og Xi Jinping gjorde desuden opmærksom på, at ikke-indblanding i interne anliggender er et af principperne. Jeg kan huske, at Jan Øberg talte om de fem principper for fredelig sameksistens, og dette er et af principperne.   

Kina foreslog, at vi skal opbygge en afbalanceret, effektiv og bæredygtig sikkerhedsarkitektur.   

Jan og Helga talte netop om udvikling, og at vi skal samarbejde om dette. Det kinesiske koncept er, hvis jeg forstår det korrekt, at der skal være en stærk sammenhæng mellem sikkerhed og udvikling. Sikkerhedskonceptet går i bund og grund ud på at hæve sig over en ensidig sikkerhed og søge fælles sikkerhed, gennem gensidigt fordelagtigt samarbejde. Det er et begreb, der er etableret på grundlag af fælles interesser, og det er befordrende for sociale fremskridt. 

Den kinesiske opfattelse er, at der ikke er nogen udvikling uden sikkerhed, og at der heller ikke er nogen sikkerhed uden udvikling. Det gælder begge veje. Kina ser økonomisk udveksling som en vigtig vej til samarbejde. Sikkerhed og udvikling hænger i det store og hele sammen. De kan ikke adskilles. 

Hvis man ser på Kinas internationale forbindelser, er størstedelen af Kinas eksterne forbindelser, og de vigtigste karakteristika for Kinas eksterne forbindelser, økonomi og handel.  Meget lidt er baseret på sikkerhedsspørgsmål. F.eks. Kinas “Ét bælte, én Vej” [Bælte- og Vej-Initiativet], som Helga nævnte. Hvis man ser på “Ét bælte, én Vej” i forhold til den USA-baserede Indo-Stillehavsstrategi, er den helt anderledes. Kinas Et bælte, en Vej fokuserer på transport, infrastruktur, handel, investeringer, energi osv. Hvorimod strategien for Indo-Stillehavsområdet, omfattende fire lande: Indien, USA, Japan og Australien, handler om sikkerhed, militær og forsvar. Biden har et topmøde i dag med ASEAN-lederne, og det er tydeligt, at ASEAN-lederne nægter at vælge side, fordi Kina er deres største økonomiske partner. Australien har fået en ny regering. Lad os vente og se, om Australien vil ændre de politiske holdninger. 

Bælte og Vej fokuserer på sammenhængskraft. Jeg kan huske, at Jens Jørgen, Jan eller Helga talte om sammenhængskraft. Det er ekstremt vigtigt. I øjeblikket er Kina ved at bygge højhastighedstog i Sydøstasien, og måske vil det senere sprede sig yderligere. Nu har vi i Asien den største handelsblok, der hedder (RCEP). Hvis man ser på statistikkerne, kan man se, at det er den største økonomiske blok, hvilket betegner et frihandelsområde. Dette er Kinas ambitioner. Det er Kinas visioner og mål. Økonomisk udvikling, økonomisk forandring og handel. 

I dag er resultatet meget tydeligt. Kina er den største økonomiske partner for 128 lande ud af 190 lande, ironisk nok inklusive vores allierede, inklusive USA’s nære allierede, som er imod Kina. Hvis man ser på ASEAN, er Kina deres største økonomiske partner. Hvis man betragter Afrika, Latinamerika og selv EU i dag, er Kina EU’s største handelspartner. Selv Quad, en slags sikkerhedsalliance mod Kina. Hvert land i Quad har Kina som sin største økonomiske partner. Dette er dilemmaet i dag. Så hvis man ønsker at tale om økonomisk afkobling? Jeg mener ikke, at det er så let. 

Konklusionen er nu, at økonomisk udvikling og sikkerhed er sammenflettet og også indlejret i hinanden. Den eksisterende internationale arkitektur, sikkerhedsarkitekturen, lægger for stor vægt på den militære dimension. Medmindre verden prioriterer at afhjælpe den globale fattigdom og udvikling, kan sikkerhed på lang sigt forblive uløseligt. 

Krigen i Ukraine skaber våbenudgifter i Europa og underminerer udviklingsbistanden til verdens fattigste lande. Nu er de europæiske lande begyndt at øge deres våbenudgifter og også øge udgifterne til flygtninge i Europa, hvilket indebærer, at de tilmed vil skære i bistanden til de fattigste lande. Se på USA’s militærbudget – 813 milliarder i år under Biden-regeringen. USA’s internationale bistand udgør kun 4 % af dets militærudgifter. 

Jeg tror ikke, at verden vil blive fredelig uden økonomisk udvikling. Konklusionen er, at økonomisk udvikling langt hen ad vejen er den bedste form for konfliktforebyggelse og konfliktløsning. Jeg tror, at Kina kæmper for at få verden til at bevæge sig i retning af denne opfattelse. 

Jeg ved, at Kina ikke er perfekt. Der er en række problemer, en del fejl, en del svagheder, som vi kan diskutere. Men jeg anser den overordnede retning, som Kina kæmper for, for at være optimal og befordrende for verdensfreden.   

Tak, fordi I lyttede med.




NYHEDSORIENTERING MAJ-JUNI 2022:
Dansk-svensk videokonference d. 25. maj 2022:
For en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur for alle nationer,
ikke en styrkelse af geopolitiske blokke.
NEJ til at afskaffe forsvarsforbeholdet
NEJ til Sverige og Finland i NATO

Download (PDF, Unknown)




Afghanistan: Den humanitær krise, og hvad der skal gøres.
Interview med H.E. Ahmed Farooq, Pakistans ambassadør til Danmark

May 31, 2022 interview with H.E. Ambassador Ahmed Farooq, Ambassador of Pakistan to Kingdom of Denmark.  
Contact: www.pakistanembassy.dk
Interviewed by Tom Gillesberg, chairman, Schiller Institute in Denmark, and Executive Intelligence Review’s Copenhagen bureau chief.
Contact the Schiller Institute in Denmark: si@schillerinstitut.dk ; +45 53 57 00, Danish: www.schillerinstitut.dk
English: www.schillerinstitute.com

This transcript appears in the June 10, 2022 issue of Executive Intelligence Review.  Subscribe to Executive Intelligence Review (larouchepub.com)

Download (PDF, Unknown)

På engelsk:

This transcript appears in the June 10, 2022 issue of Executive Intelligence Review.

[Print version of this transcript]

INTERVIEW: Ambassador Ahmad Farooq

Twenty-Two Million People in Afghanistan Continue To Face a Dire Humanitarian Emergency

The following is the edited transcript of the interview with His Excellency Ambassador Ahmad Farooq, Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan to the Kingdom of Denmark, conducted by Tom Gillesberg, May 31, 2022 at the Pakistani Embassy in Denmark. The video of the interview is available here.

Tom Gillesberg: I’m Tom Gillesberg, Chairman of the Schiller Institute in Denmark, and also with Executive Intelligence Review. I’m here at the Pakistani Embassy in Denmark with His Excellency Ambassador Ahmad Farooq, the Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan to the Kingdom of Denmark since April 2020. Before that, the Ambassador held several posts in connection with the United Nations: Counsellor/Alternate to the Rome-based UN Agencies; Counsellor, Permanent Mission of Pakistan to the UN; member of Pakistan’s Security Council team; Director General dealing with counter terrorism at the UN and other multilateral forums; and Director, dealing with the UN General Assembly, UN Security Council, Counter Terrorism, UN Peacekeeping and other political and peace and security issues.

Your Excellency Ambassador Farooq, I’m very glad you agreed to give us an interview. You gave a speech to the Schiller Institute in Denmark’s Afghanistan seminar in October 2021, “Afghanistan, What Now? Peace Through Economic Development,” where you especially described the dire situation in Afghanistan at the time, and how the Afghanistan war had affected Pakistan. Since then, the people of Afghanistan have suffered through seven months of winter conditions, and the humanitarian situation is much worse, probably the worst in the whole world. Could you please describe the humanitarian emergency for the people of Afghanistan right now?

View full size

Michelle Rasmussen
H.E. Ahmad Farooq, Ambassador of Pakistan to Denmark.

Ambassador Ahmad Farooq: Thank you very much, Tom. I would first of all like to thank you and the Schiller Institute for coming to the Pakistan Embassy in order to discuss this important issue that is being faced by the people of Afghanistan and the region. The Schiller Institute, I must say, has been doing a very good job, in highlighting what is happening in Afghanistan, so I would like to begin by thanking you for that.

You have very rightly said that Afghanistan has been going through a very difficult situation, and when we met at the Schiller Institute in October, things were not as bad. But we could see which way the situation could go, if the international community did nothing to help the people of Afghanistan.

Unfortunately, what we had foreseen at that time did play out in the following period. What we now know—and these are statistics [that] have come out from the United Nations—is that over 22 million people in Afghanistan continue to face a dire humanitarian emergency. Over 1 million Afghan children are malnourished and at the risk of dying. The winter period, in particular, has been very hard on the people of Afghanistan, because of the food shortages and because Afghanistan had been facing a prolonged drought even before things happened in August of last year. That, combined with the economic situation that Afghanistan faced after the withdrawal of the international forces in particular, has helped to further compound the humanitarian crisis being faced by the people of Afghanistan.

So, it continues to be a very difficult situation there. The region itself, obviously, has suffered from this conflict for over four decades, and we continue to do so. There is a lot of concern in Pakistan, as it is a very sad and difficult situation that we see which the people of Afghanistan are currently facing.

View full size

Ibn Sina (Avicenna), 980–1037, the great doctor, philosopher, and political advisor.

Gillesberg: Obviously, much too little humanitarian aid has reached Afghanistan. The Schiller Institute has been pleading for emergency action. We also did that very much in the seminar together with you, to alleviate the sufferings of the Afghan people. And our founder Helga Zepp-LaRouche has proposed Operation Ibn Sina, named after the great doctor and philosopher and political adviser from the region, born in 980, also known in the West as Avicenna. Operation Ibn Sina is a call for mobilizing emergency humanitarian aid and building a modern health system as a focus for sparking the long-term development of Afghanistan’s infrastructure and economy. What do you think of this? And what must be done to prevent even more millions of people from starving and many dying?

Ambassador Farooq: I think—and it is the position of the government of Pakistan in this regard—that the international community needs to come together and address the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan, and that there is need for engagement with the authorities in Afghanistan. There is a need for coordinated provision of humanitarian assistance for the people of Afghanistan.

So far, what we are seeing is that there is a sporadic effort, and obviously, many Western countries that were present previously in Afghanistan, no longer have any presence there. Then, we also had a significant presence of the United Nations which mostly is not there anymore. Then, there is this issue of how to deal with the authorities in Afghanistan, and what we generally see is an effort to try to bypass them when dealing with the people of Afghanistan.

Now, Afghanistan is a large country in terms of size, area, and also in terms of the size of its population; it’s over 40 million people. The way we see it, it is not possible for a good, coordinated humanitarian effort to reach the most vulnerable people in the country when you are trying to bypass the authorities. This is something we have been calling upon the international community—that everybody needs to come together and look at what the humanitarian needs are in Afghanistan. The other issues, the political issues, obviously, those also have to be dealt with, but the priority has to be on how we can prevent further suffering in Afghanistan.

As far as Pakistan is concerned, we have been trying to facilitate, for example, the UN humanitarian effort. Most of it in the past was also being routed through Pakistan, and we have an arrangement with the UN on how they can again direct their humanitarian actions through Pakistan. So that is happening.

But again, I think the principal obstacle is this issue—that the policies which the Western countries have come up with, is that whatever they do there, they have to bypass the authorities. And that, in itself, is preventing a more sustained and coordinated effort to help the people there.

So when you mention about the initiative which Helga Zepp-LaRouche has launched, it is a very good idea. It’s something that should have a lot of traction, particularly for Muslim countries, because obviously Ibn Sina comes from our part of the world, and could provide a sort of rallying point for Islamic countries to help the people of Afghanistan. So, anything that can be done should be done. We are of the view that it is our obligation to help those poor people there.

Gillesberg: Could you say more about what the government of Pakistan is concretely proposing, and what they are doing in relation to Afghanistan?

Ambassador Farooq: Well, being the most immediate neighbor of Afghanistan, and a country which has suffered throughout the last four decades, both in terms of the humanitarian angle—we have been hosting over 4 million refugees at any given point in time, and over 3 million still continue to live in Pakistan, we have faced the security dimension of the instability in Afghanistan, especially over the last 20 years, so we have a deep interest in having a stable Afghanistan as our neighbor.

View full size

UNICEF/Omid Fazel
Refugee camp in Afghanistan, May 18, 2020.

Right after the events of August 2021, we coordinated with the international community, first in the evacuation of the international staff, diplomats, Afghan nationals that the international community wanted to evacuate from there. We have been trying to coordinate efforts among the neighboring countries of Afghanistan. So, Pakistan hosted a conference in September of the six neighboring countries; then another conference was held in Tehran, Iran, in October, and we participated in that. We then hosted the meeting of the Troika-Plus: This is a grouping of China, Russia, the United States, and Pakistan, so we hosted that, and on the sidelines of that meeting, there was also a meeting of this grouping with the Taliban delegation. Then we hosted the emergency meeting of the Islamic countries’ Foreign Ministers in December, which was focused, specifically, on the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan.

So our effort has been to promote engagement with Afghanistan, bring the international community together, so that we, specifically, deal first with the humanitarian situation. Bilaterally as well, Pakistan has contributed, despite our economic difficulties, about $30 million in terms of humanitarian assistance. We have been facing the challenge of COVID, and despite that, we have tried to keep cross-border movement of people, as well as trade of goods and services open, so that the people of Afghanistan do not suffer more than they have to. And we recently also allowed a shipment of wheat from India: This is a sensitive issue in Pakistan, but for the benefit of the Afghan people, we allowed an overland shipment of Indian wheat from India to Afghanistan.

So, we continue to engage with the international community in terms of what we can do to help Afghanistan.

Gillesberg: Pakistan also organized the conference in Islamabad of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) about Afghanistan, on March 22-23 this year. What was the result of that meeting?

Ambassador Farooq: Yes, as I mentioned in my previous response, actually the emergency session on Afghanistan was held in December. And there were two important outcomes of that conference: First was that a special humanitarian trust fund was created for Afghanistan; and then the Organization for Islamic Cooperation also appointed a special representative to deal with the humanitarian situation. These were the two key decisions that were taken at the December meeting. In March, we had a regular session of the Council of Foreign Ministers of the OIC, which basically operationalized those two decisions. So now that trust fund is operational, and countries have started to contribute money to that, which would then be channeled to Afghanistan through the Islamic Development Bank. So the OIC has its own set of organizations that can deal with these humanitarian issues, and we feel very happy that we were able to coordinate, and to have this work done for Afghanistan.

Gillesberg: What is your message to people in the U.S. and in Europe, regarding Afghanistan, and what should happen?

Ambassador Farooq: Our consistent message to our European and other Western partners is that we have to come together: It’s our obligation to help the people of Afghanistan, and it is important to continue to our engagement even with the authorities of Afghanistan. We do understand that there are sensitivities with regard to issues relating to political inclusion, as well as human rights, especially the rights of women and girls. But we believe that in order to make progress on these issues as well, we have to continue our engagement. Pakistan has been, as I mentioned, part of several initiatives in terms of trying to bring countries together on Afghanistan, and we have consistently joined the international community in expressing the same concerns that they have, in terms of human rights, in terms of political inclusion, and especially the rights of women and girls. So we share those concerns, but we believe if we are to make progress, we have to continue our engagement with the country.

View full size

OIC
The Organization of Islamic Cooperation Foreign Ministers’ Meeting on March 22-23 in Islamabad, Pakistan operationalized a special humanitarian trust fund for Afghanistan, and appointed a special representative to deal with humanitarian aid.

Then, the most important aspect, I think, that has to be addressed is the economic meltdown which has happened in Afghanistan, because without a functioning economy, you cannot deal with the humanitarian situation. The world cannot be expected to just keep pumping in money in terms of providing food and medical assistance: The country eventually has to stand on its own two feet. And for that, we have to ensure that the banking system of the country is functional, and we have to look at this issue of the sanctions that exist against the Taliban authorities, because when you have that kind of a situation, it is not possible for a country to do business internationally. So these, I think, are some of our key messages to our international partners, for how we bring about stability in Afghanistan, and take them out of the current sad situation.

Gillesberg: This also includes, of course, that part of these sanctions has been to freeze all the accounts of the national government of Afghanistan, so they do not have Afghanistan’s money to spend on dealing with the situation in Afghanistan; but it’s also a big factor that Afghanistan has been cut off from the whole SWIFT system, which means that Afghanis living abroad are not able to send money back home.

Ambassador Farooq: Exactly. So this is what I’m trying to say, that the international connectivity of Afghanistan with the banking system—the banking system of Afghanistan, it is clear, has collapsed. There is an issue of liquidity, which the United Nations is trying to address, and we appreciate that. More needs to be done. When you mention about freezing of Afghan assets, again, they have the money to take care of their people for some time, but because of the sanctions, they don’t have access to it. And lately, we were also disappointed with the decision that part of that money has been sequestered to pay, to compensate the victims of, for example, the 9/11 attack. So this again, is an unfortunate decision, because that money was the money of the people of Afghanistan: They need it. They are starving to death. So that consideration should have been given.

Gillesberg: Well, now, on top of all the calamities, you can say, in that situation, you also have a war between Russia and Ukraine, with the U.S. and NATO actively engaged in many ways, and which also directly affects the situation with these enormously rising food prices, and all of the other things involved. Now, could cooperation to help the people of Afghanistan maybe be a way for the great powers to begin to cooperate to solve their problems?

Ambassador Farooq: Well, it has been most unfortunate for the world as a whole that we have this conflict in the heart of Europe in the 21st century, which was unthinkable until a few months back, and unfortunately, it has diverted the focus of the international community from grave humanitarian situations like Afghanistan, like Yemen, also some situations in Africa, and the entire focus is now on this war: So this is most unfortunate.

Frankly, sitting in Europe, and looking at the positions which the opposing sides have taken on this conflict, I really don’t see a possibility of some kind of a compromise—I mean, cooperation on Afghanistan that could help solve this conflict. It has to be the other way around. There has to be peace in Ukraine, which would be for the betterment, I think, of the entire international community. And Pakistan was among the first countries that raised these concerns, that this conflict would have serious consequences for the global economy, and especially for the developing countries that are dependent on import of food items, grain, import of petroleum products.

And it is playing out: You have seen what has happened in Sri Lanka. Pakistan itself is facing very serious economic issues on the external front, because we also import wheat, we also import most of our petroleum products, so it has put a serious strain on our economy. I’m sure there are many other countries that are facing these difficulties. So what we urge all the players that are involved in this conflict is, that we have to find a peaceful solution through dialogue, through diplomacy, because conflicts and wars don’t provide any solution. That has been our consistent perspective in respect of Afghanistan, and we say that, also, in the case of Ukraine.

Gillesberg: Well, most people and most politicians normally say, “first we have to create peace, and once we create peace we can begin to collaborate.” The Schiller Institute has always insisted that it’s the other way around, that you create peace through development: That if nations engage with each other, in really taking care of their common interests by having economic development, then you also have the opportunity for long-term peace.

The Schiller Institute is right now circulating a petition that was released a few days before the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine war, entitled, “Convoke an International Conference To Establish a New Security and Development Architecture for All Nations,” modeled on the 1648 Peace of Westphalia, which, after 30 years of war in Europe, which really was over 100 years of war in Europe, the conflicting parts then agreed that peace could only come about by taking into account the interests of every country. Also, the regional economic development programs are essential for increasing global security. Do you have any comments on this proposal?

Ambassador Farooq: I think it’s a good proposal. But if you look at it from a historical perspective, didn’t this happen at the end of the Second World War when we created the United Nations, and the United Nations Charter has all those elements—respect for territorial integrity, non-use of threat or force; solving disputes through peaceful means—all this was there, and then the whole global architecture was created, the financial and economic architecture that was meant to promote peace and development. And the European Union, itself, is the best example that once countries start to cooperate economically, then the chance of having a war is reduced significantly. We are seeing this in the Southeast Asian region, where we have ASEAN. So it is correct.

But at the same time, we still see, that there are forces, or it’s perhaps when a certain generation which has gone through these difficult times is phased out, and there is a new generation, they forget about how destructive wars are, and you see the start of another war happening. There has to be a consistent effort by humanity that wars don’t provide any solutions, and we have to look at cooperation between the countries, and through that find peace.

So, this petition you have launched, it’s very timely, but now we have a war here, and we have to find a peaceful solution to it, because conflicts, as I said, are no answers to any differences between countries.

Gillesberg: Well, Mr. Ambassador, it’s been very interesting talking to you about these matters, and much more could be brought into the discussion, but is there anything else, at the end of the interview, you would like to say to the viewers?

Ambassador Farooq: Well, it’s been an interesting time for me, serving as Pakistan’s ambassador to a member of the European Union. And I believe that it is important to develop a better understanding of each other, in order to have peace, stability, and global prosperity. The world is facing huge challenges: COVID was just one example, but the bigger challenge and threat that the entire globe is facing is climate change. And what we are seeing is, for example, that the situation in Ukraine tends to dilute your focus from the bigger challenges that we all are collectively facing. So there is a need for bringing the world together to address those challenges in which everybody has a stake.

One of the key things for us which has come out of this conflict in Ukraine, is that we didn’t want to take any further sides in great power conflicts, because we believe that developing countries have to focus on the betterment of their people, and we have to look at what bigger challenges we are facing in the future.

Gillesberg: Also, when you have a conflict, where the obvious unsaid question is, when will this escalate into thermonuclear war, if the dynamic is not changed, it’s difficult to see how you can be a “winner” by simply choosing sides.

Ambassador Farooq: Exactly.

Gillesberg: Then it might be better to change the dynamic.

Ambassador Farooq: That is correct.

Gillesberg: Well, Your Excellency, thank you very much for the interview. And let’s talk again later, when, hopefully, some of these issues are getting a more interesting development, which gives more opportunity for actually solving the problems.

Ambassador Farooq: Thank you Tom. It’s always a pleasure to interact with the Schiller Institute.

clear

clear

clear




Hvorfor Danmark bør afstå fra et intensiveret geopolitisk militært engagement,
af næstformand Michelle Rasmussen:

Fra videokonferencen den 25. maj 2022.

Jeg vil lige bruge et par minutter på at tale om den danske situation, idet jeg afløser Tom Gillesberg, der er formand for Schiller Instituttet i Danmark.

Schiller Instituttet i Danmark siger helt klart, at folk skal stemme NEJ ved folkeafstemningen, som skal afholdes den 1. juni. Folkeafstemningen drejer sig om en situation, hvor fem partier i den danske regering i forbindelse med Ukraine-krigen stemte for at få en folkeafstemning, som en del af et nationalt forsvarskompromis, herunder Socialistisk Folkeparti, som i første omgang havde sørget for fravalgene. Det var tilbage i 1992, hvor den danske befolkning først havde stemt NEJ til Maastricht-traktaten. Derefter kom forhandlingerne, der førte til Edinburgh-aftalen, frem til fire undtagelsesbestemmelser. Derefter stemte befolkningen JA til at acceptere Maastricht-traktaten.

En af undtagelserne var, at Danmark ikke ville deltage i de fælles europæiske EU-militære aktiviteter. Vi mener, at befolkningen skal stemme NEJ. Det ville være en måde, ikke blot at forhindre Danmark i at øge sine militære aktiviteter med EU, men også at sætte en stopper for en militariseringsproces, der især siden 2001 har været i gang. Personligt er jeg amerikansk statsborger, og for nylig er jeg også blevet dansk statsborger. Og jeg vil sige, at Danmark, mit nye hjemland, i stedet for bare at følge med i USA’s politik, mit oprindelsesland, at Danmark i stedet burde arbejde for at ændre USA’s politik.

Lyndon LaRouche opfordrede for mange år siden til en fire-magts-aftale. Hvis USA, Rusland, Kina, Indien og Rusland samarbejder om at etablere et nyt retfærdigt økonomisk verdenssystem, et nyt kreditsystem, kunne dette har været grundlaget for konfliktløsning gennem økonomisk udviklingssamarbejde. Som Li Xing sagde, er det bedste alternativ til krig at få iværksat et økonomisk samarbejde. [Dermed kunne den nuværende konflikt have været undgået.]

Siden 2001 har Danmark deltaget i alle de krige, som USA, tilskyndet af briterne, har indledt, fra Afghanistan under statsminister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, og det var især under statsminister Anders Fogh Rasmussen, som senere blev NATO’s generalsekretær, at militariseringen blev optrappet. Danmark deltog i krigene i Irak, og så havde vi Libyen. Vi var med i de andre krige, der kom bagefter.

Nu er Danmark i forhandlinger med USA om etablering af en bilateral forsvarsaftale, som formentlig vil omfatte permanent udstationering af amerikanske tropper på dansk jord, hvilket vil sige, at udenlandske tropper for første gang i fredstid vil blive permanent udstationeret her.

Der var et spørgsmål til de fem partier, der kom med dette nationale forsvarskompromis, fra en journalist til de to højrepartier, Det Konservative Folkeparti og Venstre, om, hvad de ville sige, hvis USA ville bede om at forhandle om opstilling af atomvåben i Danmark. Og deres svar var: “Jamen, det må vi da tale om.” Det er også en total kursændring i forhold til den tidligere danske politik.

Den anden ting er, at det ikke er nok at stemme NEJ ved folkeafstemningen. Det vil ikke løse problemerne. Men det vil være en måde at dæmme op for denne trinvise militarisering.

For det, Schiller Instituttet siger, er, at nøglen til en mere fredelig verden ikke er at øge militariseringen, men at etablere en ny arkitektur for sikkerhed og økonomisk udvikling, hvor man kan undgå krigsudbrud. Som Jan Øberg påpegede, kan man have konflikter, men hvordan sikrer vi, at de ikke fører til krig? Hvordan kan vi løse disse konflikter på en fredelig måde?

Det er her, at idéen om fremgangsmåden med den Westfalske Fred dukker op. Jeg vil snarest stille et spørgsmål til Helga for at få mere at vide om det.

Danmark har også haft en anden tradition. Et af vores slogans her har været, at i stedet for krigsførelse skal vi bygge broer. Der er en dansk tradition for økonomisk udvikling, partnerskab med lande om vandudvikling, om brobygning og om energiudvikling. Det er det, vi skal fremhæve.

In English:
I will just take a few minutes to speak about the Danish situation, standing in for Tom Gillesburg, the chairman of the Schiller Institute in Denmark.
The Schiller Institute in Denmark is definitely saying that people should vote NO in the referendum, which is to be held on June 1st. The referendum concerns a situation where after the Ukraine war, five parties in the Danish government voted to have a referendum as part of a National Defense Compromise, including the Socialist People’s Party, which had organized the opt-outs in the beginning. Back in 1992, where the Danish population had first voted NO to the Maastricht Treaty. Then,  the negotiations that led to the Edinburgh agreement came up with four opt-outs. Then, the population voted YES to accept the Maastricht Treaty.

One of the opt-outs was that Denmark would not participate in the joint European EU military activities. We think that people should vote NO. This would be a way, not only to prevent Denmark from increasing its military activity with the EU, but would also put a stop to a process of militarization that has been going on, especially since 2001. Personally, I’m an American citizen, and recently, I also became a Danish citizen. And I would say that Denmark, my adopted countr, ought to, instead of just following along with the policies of the United States, my native country, that Denmark should, instead, work to change the policies of the United States.

Lyndon LaRouch, many years ago, called for a four power agreement. If the United States, Russia, China and India would cooperate to establish a new just world economic system, a new credit system, this could be the basis of conflict resolution through economic development cooperation. As the Li Xing was saying, the best alternative to war is to get economic cooperation going.

Since 2001, Denmark has participated in every war that the United States, goaded on by the British, have launched, from Afghanistan under Prime Minister Poul Nyrup Rasmussen, and it the militarization was especially escalated under Prime Minist Anders Fogh Rasmussen, who later became the NATO’s general secretary. Denmark participated in the the wars in Iraq, and then we had Libya. We had the other wars that came after that.

And now Denmark is in negotiations with the United States for setting up a bilateral defense treaty, which will probably include permanent stationing of United States troops on Danish soil, which would be that foreign troops would be permanently stationed here for the first time in peacetime.

There was a question to the five parties that came up with this National Defense Compromise from a reporter to the two right parties, the the Conservative Party and the Liberal Party (Venstre), about what they would they say if the United States would ask for negotiating about stationing of nuclear weapons in Denmark. And their answer was, “Well, we’ll have to talk about it.” This is also a total reversal of the previous Danish policy.

The other thing is that it’s not enough to vote NO in the referendum. That will not solve the problems. But it will be a way of of stemming the tide of this step by step by step militarization.

Because, what the Schiller Institute is saying, is that the key to a more peaceful world is not increasing the militarization, but it is establishing a new security and economic development architecture, where you can avoid the outbreak of war. As Jan was saying, you can have conflicts, but how do we make sure that it doesn’t lead to war? How can we solve these conflicts in a peaceful way?

And that is where the idea of the Peace of Westphalia approach comes in. I will soon ask a question to Helga to explain more about that.

And Denmark has also had a different tradition. One of our slogans here has been, instead of war fighting, bridge building. There is aa Danish tradition for economic development, partnership with countries about water development, about building bridges, about energy development. And this is what we need to be emphasizing.

So, I would like to introduce, then, the question period, by asking the question to Helga. This is from Sarah on YouTube, who would like to ask Helga “What is a foreseeable path to reaching a position to propose the peace of Westphalia? Is war the only way? How much can transparency work towards reaching this goal?” To sum it up. What is the idea of the Peace of Westphalia? How can these principles of peace building be used today? And how can we actually implement this?

Helga Zepp-LaRouche:
The answer will come soon.




Næstformand Michelle Rasmussen på LaRouche-organisationens videoprogram den 29. maj 2022,
om Schiller Instituttets danske-svenske videokonference
for en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur

Næstformand Michelle Rasmussen fortalte, hvorfor vi tog initiativ til at holde videokonferencen den 25. maj 2022 og om organiseringsprocessen. 

Michelle Rasmussens indlæg begynder 57 min. inde i videoen.

Bagefter er der spørgsmål og svar fra Michelle og medpanelist Richard A. Black, Schiller Instituttets repræsentant i FN, som talte om den første Euræsiske Økonomiske Forum i Kyrgyzstan den 26. maj 2022. Der var også spørgsmål om kultur og om at komponere klassisk musik.

Se konferencen her:
Vi behøver en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitekturfor alle nationer,
ikke en styrkelse af geopolitiske blokke;
NEJ ved den danske folkeafstemning den 1. juni om afskaffelse af EU’s forsvarsforbehold
NEJ til Sveriges og Finlands optagelse i NATO.




Hvorfor Sverige og Finland ikke bør tilslutte sig NATO.
Why Sweden and Finland Should Not Join NATO:
Speech by Ulf Sandmark, chairman, Schiller Institute in Sweden, May 25, 2022

Præsentation på Schiller Instituttets seminar “Vi har brug for en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur, ikke for en styrkelse af de geopolitiske blokke” den 25. maj 2022.

På vegne af Schiller Instituttet i Sverige, som er medvært for dette seminar, vil jeg gerne byde alle velkommen og især takke de talere, der er kommet før mig, for deres fremragende præsentationer.

Jeg vil forsøge at besvare spørgsmålet: “Hvorfor bør Sverige og Finland ikke tilslutte sig Nato?”

Faktisk var ansøgningerne om at blive medlem af Nato unødvendige, uforsvarlige og vanvittige. De var unødvendige ansøgninger, fordi der ikke var nogen trussel mod Sverige eller Finland. Rusland havde travlt på andre fronter, og der var ingen hensigt om at angribe vores lande.

De var uforsvarlige, fordi de øger truslerne mod Rusland i strid med OSCE-traktaten, især princippet om inklusiv sikkerhed, som betyder, at man ikke må øge sin egen sikkerhed på bekostning af andres sikkerhed i henhold til traktaten, og det er faktisk også i overensstemmelse med FN-traktaten. Det var også uforsvarligt, fordi vi nu har etableret en konfrontations linje i Nordeuropa. Under Den kolde Krig var der tidligere en meget stærk konfrontationslinje på kontinentet med store hære, der stod over for hinanden i Tyskland m.m.. Nu vil vi få den samme konfrontationslinje i Nord, hvilket gør det til et ustabilt område. Hele Østersøen vil blive blokeret med en amerikansk politik kaldet 2A/AD, “Area Denial”-politikken, som nu diskuteres i det svenske Krigsvidenskabelige Akademi.

Ansøgningerne var vanvittige, for det vi har nu er en absolut, enorm nuklear provokation, muligvis en omvendt Cuba-krise med Sverige og Finland placeret så tæt på Rusland og især deres baser for atomubåde i Arktis. Allerede nu er det tilladt for B-52 strategiske bombefly at flyve ind i svensk luftrum i henhold til værtslands-aftalen med Nato. Jeg vil gerne dele dette billede fra den 18. februar
der viser en amerikansk B-52 Stratofortress fra Bomber Task Force, som eskorteres af svenske kampfly over Sverige. Ved denne lejlighed var der ikke kun én B-52, men to. Hver af dem kan bære 12 Tomahawk-missiler, der kan have atomare sprænghoveder. Det betyder, at disse B-52, der flyver fra Storbritannien ind i svensk luftrum, fra svensk territorium på få minutter kan tilintetgøre 24 russiske byer. Det var en enorm provokation. Det var faktisk på samme tidspunkt, som den ukrainske hær øgede beskydningen af Donbass med tredive gange.

Som Jan Öberg havde mistanke om, var det et planlagt angreb for at få Sverige ind i Nato. Det var som et bagholdsangreb. Den svenske tidligere forsvarsminister Sven Tolgfors har i en bog (2016) skrevet, at man kunne forvente, at en sikkerhedskrise ville kunne ændre den svenske Nato-politik. I en sikkerhedskrise skal vi være forberedt på at gøre det rigtig hurtigt.

Vi kan også se, hvordan det er kommet i stand. Bare få uger med frygt og hysteri ændrede Finland og Sverige sig. Dette pludselige skift er stadig et chok for især den svenske befolkning. Det, der var sandt for to måneder siden, er nu forkert. For to måneder siden sagde statsminister Magdalena Andersson: “Et svensk Nato-medlemskab ville destabilisere regionen”. Nu skulle svenskerne omprogrammeres af presset fra massemedierne.

Som svenskerne har for vane, at være “de bedste i klassen”, der mestrer den type “gruppetænkning”, som Jan Öberg ligeledes nævnte. Nu forventes det, at Sverige vil være “den bedste i klassen” til krig mod Rusland og Kina. Vi befinder os i en enorm identitetskrise blandt svenskerne og især blandt de socialdemokratiske vælgere.

Tyrkiets modstand mod at tillade medlemskab for de nye ansøgere er et eksempel på den manglende suverænitet i Nato. USA skal nu “løse” problemet. Hvor er den så højt besungne frihed og suverænitet, som Nato skal forsvare, blevet af? Svenskerne er chokerede over at se, hvordan Tyrkiet behandles nu, hvor USA formodes at lægge pres på deres beslutning.

Faktisk forsvarer Tyrkiet nu den svenske og finske suverænitet mere end vores regeringer. Forhåbentlig vil flere NATO-medlemslande tilslutte sig Tyrkiet. Det vil i det mindste give os mere tid her til at stoppe dette vanvid. Ved at blokere vores Nato-ansøgning forsvarer Tyrkiet hele Nato og verden mod en omfattende atomvåbenkrise. Tyrkiet er faktisk den voksne person i rummet ved at organisere fredsforhandlingerne mellem Rusland og Ukraine, hvilket Sverige og Finland burde have koncentreret deres diplomatiske indsats om i stedet for at tilslutte sig Nato!

Men Sverige og Finland bør tage sine skæbner i egne hænder. Vi skal genetablere vores tidligere fælles mission for fred og økonomisk udvikling. Vi bør deltage i etableringen af en ny arkitektur for sikkerhed og udvikling for alle nationer, som erstatter geopolitik og storfinansens plyndring af vores nationer. Nato har kørt os over. Sammen med andre nationer i verden kan vi nu gøre Nato forældet og begrave det.

Det første skridt for Sverige og Finland bør være at slå sig sammen med Italiens premierminister, Mario Draghi, som netop har fremsat et fredsforslag for Ukraine. Denne form for internationalt samarbejde kunne også få Tyrkiet til at presse på for at få fred i stedet for krig.

For det andet er vi nødt til at inddrage den økonomiske dimension, fordi det kan være afgørende for hele Sveriges og Finlands beslutning om ikke at blive medlem af Nato. Hele Europa er nødt til at imødegå sanktionernes økonomiske chok. Det er en neoliberal chokterapi på steroider, der kaster befolkningerne direkte ud i elendighed. Sanktionerne er [ikke til for at hjælpe Ukraine, men er] en ondsindet plyndring for at frigøre de finansielle gældsbobler på ryggen af befolkningen, industrien og middelklassen, hvilket gør millioner af mennesker i Vesten fattige og medfører massiv sult i udviklingslandene.

Faktisk vil den udplyndring i krigstiden, som de vil foretage ved at aflaste den finansielle boble, være meget større end den udplyndring, som det militærindustrielle kompleks foretager, og lige så uproduktiv.

Det vi har, er de fire love, som Lyndon LaRouche har foreslået for at standse denne chokterapi. Vi bør stoppe centralbankernes pengetrykning for at redde det svigtende finanssystem. Vi bør indføre en Glass/Steagall-bankopdeling for at kunne nægte at betale for spekulationsboblerne. Med en adskillelse af bankerne vil vi være i stand til at genetablere bankerne som banker for produktiv kredit. Derefter kan vi oprette en nationalbank for udvikling, der udsteder produktive kreditter.

Helga har allerede peget på denne politik. Jeg vil gerne fremhæve den igen, fordi den kunne være det absolutte centrum for modstanden mod krigspolitikken og Nato-ansøgningerne. Det, vi har brug for nu, er forordninger til at håndtere nødsituationer med hensyn til fødevarer, energi og elektricitet. Vi plejede at have et reguleret elektricitetssystem her i Sverige med en meget billig og sikker strømforsyning. Det kan vi vende tilbage til. Vi kan vende tilbage til regler for fødevareforsyningen, for landbruget og industrien, der er forbundet med fødevareproduktionen, og for energien, faktisk for hele økonomien.

Det vigtige er princippet om, at mennesket kommer først, at beskytte produktionen og boligerne. I denne krise vil mange mennesker miste deres job, fordi virksomheder vil gå konkurs. Mange mennesker vil miste deres hus, fordi de vil få problemer med at betale deres renter i en galopperende inflation. Det, vi har brug for, er en fastfrysning af huslejer og gældsbetalinger. Det er nødvendigt for at beskytte befolkningen og produktionen. Vi er nødt til at investere i den mest avancerede teknologi med høj energitæthed for at øge produktiviteten. Dette er at bekæmpe inflationen på den rigtige måde.

Vi har nu en situation i Sverige, hvor halvdelen af den svenske befolkning er vred over det svenske etablissementets og regeringens forræderi. Der afholdes et valg den 11. september. Der bør ske store forandringer her, som må og kan blokere for Nato-medlemskabet og modstå krigsfremstødet mod Rusland og Kina!

Vi har denne mulighed nu for at udnytte den opstandelse i befolkningen, der skyldes den økonomiske krise, til at stoppe ansøgningen om Nato-medlemskab. Så dette er vores store chance nu.

Vi bør stræbe efter at arbejde for dette, og Sverige og Finland bør stræbe efter ikke at være bedst i Nato-klassen for krig og økonomisk plyndring, men bedst i klassen for fred og udvikling!

Tak! Det var det, jeg ønskede at sige.

English:

Presentation to the seminar ”We Need a New Security & Development Architecture, Not a Strengthening of Geopolitical Blocs”. (https://youtu.be/G5Xkq-xfFgQ?t=8779 )

Thank you,

On behalf of the Schiller Institute in Sweden, being the co-host of this seminar, I would like to welcome everyone and especially thank the speakers ahead of me for their excellent presentations.

I will try to answer the question: “Why Sweden and Finland should not join Nato?”

Actually, the applications to join Nato were unnecessary, reckless and insane. They were applications unnecessary because there was no threat to Sweden or Finland. Russia was busy on other fronts and there was no intention to attack our countries.

They were reckless because they are increasing the threats to Russia in violation of OSCE treaty, especially the principle of inclusive security which means that you are not allowed to increase your security at the cost of other´s security according to the treaty, actually this is also according to the UN treaty. It was also reckless, because we now have established a line of confrontation in the North of Europe. There used to be in the Cold War a very strong confrontation line on the Continent with big armies standing against each other in Germany and so on. Now we will have the same confrontation line in the North making it an area of instability. The whole Baltic Sea will be blocked with an American policy called 2A/AD, the “Area Denial”-policy, which is now discussed in the Swedish Royal Academy of War Sciencies.

The applications were insane because what we have now is an absolute, immense nuclear provocation possibly a Cuban missile crisis in reverse with Sweden and Finland positioned so close to Russia and especially their bases for the nuclear submarines in the Arctic. Already now B-52 strategic bombers are allowed into Swedish airspace according to the Host Nation Agreement with Nato. I would like to share this picture from February 18th

showing U.S. a B-52 Stratofortress from the Bomber Task Force being escorted by Swedish fighter planes over Sweden. On this occasion there was not only one B-52, but two. Each one of them can carry 12 Tomahawk missiles that could have nuclear war heads. It means, that these B-52 flying from Great Britain into Swedish airspace could, from Swedish territory within minutes, extinguish 24 Russian cities. It was a huge provocation. It was actually the same time, as the increase of the shelling by thirty times in Donbass by the Ukrainian army.

As Jan Öberg suspected, it was a planned attack to bring Sweden into Nato. It was like an ambush. The Swedish former Minister of Defense, Sven Tolgfors, has written in a book (2016) that a security crisis could be expected to shift the Swedish Nato policy. In a security crisis we must be prepared to make it really swift.

We can also see how it came about. Just in few weeks out fear and hysteria Finland and Sweden shifted. This sudden shift is still a shock to especially the Swedish people. What was true two months ago, is now false. Two months ago, Prime Minister Magdalena Andersson said: “A Swedish Nato membership would destabilize the region”. Now the Swedes are supposed to be reprogrammed by the mass media pressure.

As the habit of the Swedes are to be “the best in the class” as master the type of “Group think”, which Jan Öberg also mentioned. Now it is expected that Sweden will be “the best in the class” for war against Russia and China. We are in a huge identity crisis among Swedes and especially among the social democratic voters.

Turkey`s opposition to allow membership to the new applicants, sets an example of the lack of sovereignty in Nato. The US is now supposed to “fix” the problem. Where is the so much heralded freedom and sovereignty, which Nato is supposed to defend? The Swedes are shocked to see the treatment of Turkey now, when the US is supposed to put pressure on their decision.

Actually, Turkey is now defending the Swedish and Finnish sovereignty more than our governments. Hopefully, more Nato member nations will join Turkey. It will at least give us more time here to stop this insanity. By blocking our Nato-application, Turkey is defending all of Nato and the world against a huge nuclear weapons crisis. Turkey is actually the grown up in the room, in its organizing the peace negotiations between Russia and Ukraine, something Sweden and Finland should have concentrated its diplomatic efforts on, instead of joining Nato!

However, Sweden and Finland should take our destiny in our own hands. We must reestablish our former common mission for peace and economic development. We should take part in the establishing a new architecture for security and development for all nations, replacing geopolitics and the robbery by high finance against our nations. Nato has run us over. Together with other nations in the world, now we can make Nato obsolete and bury it.

The first step for Sweden and Finland should be to team up with Italy´s Prime Minster, Mario Draghi, who has just put forward a peace proposal for Ukraine. This kind of international cooperation could also pull in Turkey to put pressure for peace instead of war.

Secondly, we need to bring in the economic dimension because this could decide the whole process of Sweden and Finland not to join Nato. All of Europe need to counter the sanction economic shock wawe. It is a neoliberal shock therapy on steroids, throwing the peoples directly into misery. The sanctions are [not there to help Ukraine but are] an evil looting to unload the financial debt bubbles on to the back of the population, industry, middle class making millions in the West poor, bringing massive starvation to developing nations.

Actually, the war-time looting they will do, by unloading the financial bubble, will be much bigger than the looting being done by the Military Industrial Complex, and as unproductive.

What we have, are the Four laws proposed by Lyndon LaRouche to halt this shock therapy. We should stop the Central Bank money printing for bailing out the failing financial system. We should implement a Glass Steagall bank separation to be able to refuse paying the speculation bubbles. With bank separation we will be able to reestablish banks as banks for productive credit. Then we can establish a National bank for development, issuing productive credit.

Helga pointed already to this policy. I want to point to it again because this could be the absolute center of the resistance to the war policy and the Nato applications. What we need now are regulations to address emergencies of food, energy, electricity. We used to have a regulated electricity system here in Sweden with a very low cost and secure power supply. We can go back to that. We can go back to regulations for the supply of food, for farming and the industry hat is connected to the food production and for the energy, actually for the whole economy.

What is important is the people first principle, to protect production, protect housing. In this crisis many people will lose their jobs because businesses will go out of business. Many people will lose their houses because they will have difficulties to pay their interest in a run-away inflation. What we need, are the freezing of rents and debt payments. This is necessary to protect the people and the production. We need to invest in the most advanced technology with high energy density to increase productivity. This is to fight inflation the real way.

We have a situation now in Sweden where half the Swedish population are angry over the betrayal by their establishment and government. There is an election coming on September 11. There should be huge changes here that can and must block the Nato membership and resist the war drive against Russia and China!

We have this opportunity now to use the uproar in the population because of the economic crisis, to stop the Nato membership application. So this is our big chance now.

We should strive to work for this and Sweden and Finland should strive for not being best in the Nato class for war and financial looting, but the best in class for peace and development!

Thank you! That is what I wanted to say.




Jens Jørgen Nielsen: Baggrunden for krigen mellem Ukraine-NATO og Rusland. Background of the war between Ukraine-NATO and Russia.
Speech at the Schiller Institute’s seminar May 25, 2022.

Jens Jørgen Nielsen er uddannet i idé- og kommunikationshistorie, Moskva-korrespondent for dagbladet Politiken i slutningen af 1990’erne, forfatter til flere bøger om Rusland og Ukraine, leder af organisationen Russisk-Dansk Dialog og lektor i kommunikation og kulturforskelle ved Niels Brock Handelshøjskole i København.
 
Mange tak for invitationen. Jeg synes, at denne konference er meget aktuel og yderst relevant, for jeg har levet i mange år – man kan se på farven på mit hår – og man kan være sikker på, at jeg har levet i flere årtier. Jeg kan ikke huske, at vi i alle disse år efter Anden Verdenskrig har befundet os i en situation, som den vi befinder os i nu. Jeg var en lille dreng under Cuba-krisen i 1962 og vidste ikke særlig meget om den, men erindrer, at mine forældre og alle voksne var meget nervøse over situationen. Men alligevel vil jeg sige, at jeg nogle gange ser tilbage på denne tid under Den kolde Krig, og finder at tingene var meget bedre på dette tidspunkt. Jeg havde aldrig troet, at det skulle komme til dette punkt. Nogle gange vågner jeg op om morgenen og håber, at alting var et mareridt, men er bange for, at det ikke er tilfældet. Er bange for at være i live, og sover ikke, drømmer ikke; det er virkeligheden lige nu. Jeg vil blot sige om Cuba-krisen, at Khrusjtjov og Kennedy fandt et fælles sprog, som man siger på russisk [sætning på russisk 57:01], og de kom godt ud af det sammen, og de fandt en løsning ret hurtigt. De respekterede på en eller anden måde hinanden. Tænk på Nixon og Brezhnev; deres forhold var – selvfølgelig var de modstandere, konkurrenter – selvfølgelig var de det, men de havde en vis respekt for hinanden. Det samme gælder for Reagan og Gorbatjov osv. Så derfor mener jeg, at tiden lige nu er forfærdelig, fordi vi ikke har denne respekt. Hvis man ser på, hvordan de beskriver Putin i alle medierne, og det har de gjort i de 15, næsten 20 år, så er det som nedgørelse, åbent had, foragt og den slags ting. Jeg synes, det er et meget dårligt varsel, det er et meget dårligt tegn på, at vi går nogle meget besværlige tider i møde.
 
Jeg vil gerne tale lidt om to spørgsmål, som meget sjældent bliver stillet, og som meget sjældent bliver besvaret. Det første spørgsmål, som jeg vil tale lidt mere udførligt om, er: “Hvordan er vi endt der? Hvordan er det sket, at vi nu, 30 år efter Sovjetunionens opløsning, er endt i denne situation, hvor vi faktisk er tættere end nogensinde før på menneskehedens udslettelse?” Jeg synes, det er et meget grundlæggende spørgsmål. Det andet spørgsmål er naturligvis: “Hvad gør vi? Hvordan skal vi komme ud af dette? Hvordan kommer vi til forhandlingsbordet for at forhandle om fredsbetingelser og den slags forhold?” Og måske et tredje spørgsmål er naturligvis: “Hvordan opbygger vi en ny verden? Det er ikke lige nu, for nu handler det om, hvordan vi forhindrer en atomkrig?”
 
Jeg vil behandle disse to spørgsmål. Hvordan nåede vi dertil? Jeg tror, Jan Øberg vil tale lidt mere om, hvad vi skal gøre, eller måske snarere, hvad vi ikke skal gøre. Jeg har været med i næsten 30 år, faktisk også i denne årrække hvor jeg arbejdede i Rusland, jeg arbejdede på nogle ambassader i de tidligere sovjetrepublikker, og begyndte at lære det russiske sprog allerede før det. For det andet blev jeg gift med en russer for 30 år siden, i 1992. Vi havde håb om en ny verden, vi havde lige forladt Den kolde Krig, og vi havde håb om, at vi skulle leve i en fredelig verden. Og her er vi så, 30 år senere. Men der er noget håb; vi er ikke blevet skilt, vi har ikke planer om at blive skilt, så der er lidt håb, vil jeg mene.
 
Tilbage til det, der er sket. I 1991, da Sovjetunionen blev opløst, og Warszawa-pagten blev opløst, rejste jeg meget i Rusland. Jeg var meget i Rusland, og jeg havde russiske venner. De var alle entusiastiske, de var alle optimistiske. “Nu går vi ind i en ny verden. Nu har vi en harmonisk verden præget af harmoni og fred og udvikling og den slags ting.” De sagde, at de udtrykkeligt ønskede at være en del af Vesten; de ønskede at dele vores værdier og den slags ting. Hvis man har dette billede i begyndelsen af 1990’erne, var det meget svært at leve i Rusland, fordi alt brød sammen, og der var kaos. Men de ønskede at være en del af Vesten. Så det interessante spørgsmål er, hvad skete der egentlig? Hvorfor gik det ikke sådan? Der er flere trædesten i dette, vil jeg sige, for allerede i begyndelsen af 1990’erne kom Bill Clinton til magten i USA. Han støttede først en plan om, at de østeuropæiske lande skulle blive en del af NATO og lade Rusland stå udenfor. På den måde vil jeg påstå, at han afviste Gorbatjovs forslag om at opbygge et europæisk hus. Der var faktisk en plan om at opbygge et europæisk hus, men det var et europæisk hus baseret på militæret, og Rusland stod udenfor. På dette tidspunkt advarede mange folk i FN, selv i Europa, om, at det ikke ville fungere; det ville helt sikkert ikke fungere, for selv de liberale i Rusland, og mange af disse pro-vestlige liberale sagde: “Det er en meget dårlig idé”.
 
Men det fungerede på denne måde, fordi Clinton insisterede ihærdigt på dette. Det startede på dette tidspunkt. Så havde de, jeg ved ikke, om det var uheld, måske var det med vilje, at de godkendte Polen, Ungarn og Tjekkiet, samtidig med at man begyndte at bombe i Serbien. Serbien er en meget tæt historisk allieret for Rusland.
 
Så på dette tidspunkt var jeg journalist. Jeg talte med en masse mennesker. Jeg talte med Sakharovs enke, Jelena Bonner; jeg talte med alle de liberale – hvem talte jeg ikke med på dette tidspunkt? Og alle var meget skarpt imod dette. På dette tidspunkt, jeg tror, hvis man skal sætte et årstal, var det 1999, et år hvor splittelsen faktisk begyndte; måske begyndte den lidt tidligere, men på dette tidspunkt var den åbenlys. Så kom Putin ind i billedet; han skabte ikke denne situation. Mange mennesker tror, at russerne var liberale, og at den onde Putin kom til. Nej! Det er den anden vej rundt. Faktisk fulgte Putin det russiske folks dagsorden, og endda ikke kun det, for sjovt nok var Putin meget ivrig efter at komme med i NATO. Det er meget interessant at tale om dette i dag. Han ønskede, at Rusland skulle tilslutte sig NATO, det sagde han i hvert fald i et interview med BBC i 2000, da han først blev præsident.
 
Men selv i Afghanistan støttede Putin Vesten. Han hjalp Vesten i Afghanistan. Han gjorde alt for at opnå venskab. Han holdt en tale i Forbundsdagen i Berlin, og han gjorde alt, hvad han kunne. Men han fandt ud af, at det var forgæves, fordi Rusland var dømt til at blive udelukket fra denne nye sikkerhedsarkitektur, fordi den europæiske sikkerhed bestod af NATO uden Rusland.
 
Jeg tror, at alt begyndte at forværres fra dette tidspunkt. Man kunne foretage nogle tiltag. Jeg vil blot nævne nogle få. Man kan sige, at der i 2008 var et NATO-topmøde i Bukarest i Rumænien. På dette tidspunkt var George W. Bush præsident, og han inviterede Georgien og Ukraine til at blive en del af NATO. Frankrig og Tyskland var ikke så begejstrede for dette, så de afviste det faktisk. Men det blev holdt på dagsordenen, at disse to lande fik en invitation. Putin var til stede på denne konference, og han var meget, meget vred. Men der skete ikke rigtig noget. Man kan sige, at løsningen på NATO-topmødet var den værst tænkelige løsning, fordi man for det første fik ukrainerne og georgierne til at tro, at de ville få opbakning fra NATO, hvis de angreb Rusland, eller som Saakashvili i Georgien gjorde i 2008. For det andet øgede den russernes mistanke, og det løste ikke noget. Ud fra det blev det endnu værre. I Ukraine havde man selv på dette tidspunkt en meget russofobisk regering. I Ukraine er der ca. 50 % russisktalende personer, som ikke ønskede at tilslutte sig Rusland, men at have venskabelige forbindelser med Rusland og i det mindste være neutrale som en stat. Mange mennesker i de vestlige dele af Ukraine mente noget andet, nemlig at de skulle tilslutte sig NATO og EU. Så det er på mange måder et splittet land.
 
I det mindste blev Ukraine på dette tidspunkt i 2008 inviteret [til at blive medlem af NATO]. Det er interessant nok, at 17 % af den ukrainske befolkning ønskede at tilslutte sig NATO, mens 66 % ikke ønskede at tilslutte sig NATO. Jeg synes, at det er meget interessante tal, for det siger alt om, hvordan USA havde en dagsorden om at trække Ukraine ud af den russiske sfære, og de skjulte det ikke engang. Zbigniew Brzezinski, som var national sikkerhedsrådgiver, skrev en bog om ”det store skakbræt” {Grand Chessboard}: han skrev åbent, ja, vi ønsker at rive Ukraine ud af Ruslands område. Så hvor meget stabilitet kan man opbygge der? Og tingene blev endnu værre.
 
Interessant nok blev Viktor Janukovitj fra Regionernes Parti i 2010 valgt til præsident, og i 2012 havde hans parti og nogle andre partier flertal. De gik ind for, at Ukraine fortsat skulle være et neutralt land, og for det andet gik de ind for et tæt samarbejde med Rusland med hensyn til gasleverancer og leje af flådebasen i Sevastopol og på Krim osv. Derefter havde de en diskussion – Helga har allerede nævnt det – om associeringsaftalen med EU. Janukovitj læste den meget omhyggeligt og fandt ud af, at den ikke var særlig velgørende for Ukraine, og han afviste at underskrive den.
 
Så kom Maidan og alle den slags ting, og i februar 2014 var der faktisk, hvad jeg ville kalde et kup. Efter min mening kan man ikke kalde det andet end et kup. Det var ikke i parlamentet. Der var ikke nok stemmer i parlamentet, og det var et militærkup, intet mindre end det, vil jeg påstå.
 
Derefter kom ødelæggelsen af Ukraine, for i den østlige del havde de stemt i byer som Lugansk, hvor næsten 90 % havde stemt på Regionernes Parti, i Donetsk var det 85 %, og det samme på Krim, 85 % havde stemt på dette parti, som netop var blevet smidt ud af regeringen. Så de reagerede naturligvis på dette. Og på Krim skete der en løsrivelse fra Ukraine, og de blev i sidste ende en del af Rusland.
 
Herefter startede krigen: Den ukrainske hær begyndte at angribe de republikker, der havde erklæret sig uafhængige. For man kan sige ud fra et juridisk synspunkt, at hvis man kan lave et kup i Kiev, kan man også lave et kup i Donetsk. I Donetsk og Lugansk havde de i det mindste folkeafstemninger. De valgte nye regeringspartier i disse to republikker. Så, sanktionsregimet begyndte allerede der, og der skete en endnu kraftigere forværring af forholdet mellem NATO og Rusland, meget voldsommere. På dette tidspunkt var der faktisk en reel krig i gang i Donbass, den østlige del af Donbass, som er en region i Ukraine.
 
Mange mennesker i Danmark, – jeg diskuterede på nuværende tidspunkt disse ting med mine danske landsmænd, og jeg sagde: “Måske ved du, at 14.000 mennesker er blevet dræbt i denne krig?” “Hvad? Nej, det er russisk propaganda.” Jamen, det er det bestemt ikke, for det er en vurdering fra OSCE, Organisationen for Sikkerhed og Samarbejde i Europa, som jeg vil mene nok er den eneste kilde, vi har til den slags tal. Mindst nogle tusinde af disse 14.000 er civile mennesker, og blandt disse er der mange børn. Men russerne kan også se, at vi ikke græder over disse børn, og vi hejser ikke russiske flag for disse børn i vores lande i Vesten. Så mange russere har en tendens til at tænke “OK, så hvis vi ønsker at sikre de russisk talendes sikkerhed, bør det være Rusland, for EU er slet ikke interesseret.” Den ukrainske regering er bestemt ikke interesseret i at beskytte menneskerettighederne for de mennesker, der ønskede at bevare deres sprog eller have nogle normale forbindelser med Rusland.
 
Dette er altså noget, der foregår i Rusland og i det mindste i en del af det opdelte land, Ukraine. I februar 2015 var der en meget interessant konference i Minsk, og Lukashenko var vært. Der blev indgået en aftale mellem Frankrig, Tyskland, Rusland og Ukraine og også disse to republikker. De underskrev en aftale, ifølge hvilken Ukraine skulle have direkte forhandlinger med lederne af de to republikker – Donetsk og Lugansk – med disse to republikker. Ideen var, at Ukraine skulle ændre sin forfatning for at tillade autonome enheder i Ukraine. Tanken var, at Donetsk og Lugansk skulle være autonome enheder i Ukraine, der skulle bestemme, hvilket sprog der skulle være, og som også skulle bestemme, om de skulle have vetoret i spørgsmål om militærpolitik og lignende forhold. Jeg tror faktisk, at det var det bedste, man kunne opnå, og jeg vil gerne rose Merkel, fordi hun indgik denne aftale uden USA’s umiddelbare støtte. Hun gjorde det på egen hånd; hun tog Hollande fra Frankrig med sig og indgik denne aftale, som var det bedste, man kunne opnå på det tidspunkt.
 
Men meget hurtigt blev det klart, at den ukrainske præsident Petro Porosjenko ikke var herre i eget hus, som vi siger, fordi han ønskede at få det igennem i parlamentet. Hvad skete der? Nogle af disse højrefløjsgrupper, som Helga også omtalte, eksploderede. Medlemmer af parlamentet, tre mennesker blev dræbt på dette tidspunkt. De truede Porosjenko, og sagde at hvis han overhovedet ville fortsætte med at gennemføre disse bestemmelser i Minsk II-aftalen, ville han blive dræbt i en kælder. Han ønskede ikke at blive myrdet i en kælder, så han stoppede det. Senere, Zelenskij, gjaldt det samme for ham. Han sagde, da han stillede op til præsidentvalget, at han ønskede at skabe fred. Han ønskede også at opfylde Minsk II-aftalerne, og hvad skete der? Han blev også truet, og der skete ikke noget. Både Porosjenko og senere Zelenskij sagde, at vi ikke vil opfylde denne aftale. Det er klar tale, kan man kalde det.
 
Men på dette tidspunkt sagde Tyskland og Frankrig ikke noget. Man kunne have forestillet sig, at de ville have sagt til den ukrainske regering: “Vær nu venlige, I har underskrevet en aftale. Vi forventer, at I vil opfylde aftalens bestemmelser.” Så meget mere, så denne Minsk II blev en del af FN’s politik. Sikkerhedsrådet har vedtaget den som officiel FN-politik, men den ukrainske regering var ligeglad med den, og intet vestligt land ville nogensinde nævne, at de skulle opfylde denne aftale.
 
Nu kan jeg se, at jeg er ved at løbe tør for tid. Jeg vil blot sige, at hvis man går lidt længere frem, kom Zelenskij til magten – 70 % af den ukrainske befolkning støttede ham. Hvorfor? Fordi han sagde, at han var for fred; han ville gerne have en aftale med Rusland; han vil løse deres problemer med forhandlinger i Donbass, med Lugansk og Donetsk. Men han blev også truet, og han veg tilbage fra denne politik. I stedet inviterede han endnu mere [militær støtte fra USA] fra 2017-18, det var under Donald Trump. Ukraine blev bevæbnet mere og mere, og de begyndte at have fælles militærøvelser. De installerede også militær teknik i den østlige del, og også i Ukraine. Så man kan sige, at selv om Ukraine ikke var en del af NATO, så var NATO selvfølgelig i Ukraine. Jeg vil gå endnu længere og sige, at der sidste år, i 2021, var flere interessante ting. For et år siden, eller endnu tidligere, det var i marts sidste år, hævdede Zelenskij, at han var nødt til at erklære krig. Han sagde, at han gerne ville tage Krim og Donbass tilbage med militæret og støttet af NATO, ikke med NATO-soldater, men med NATO-udstyr, NATO-træning og lignende ting.
 
I 2021 var der en flådeøvelse i Sortehavet med deltagelse af 32 lande. Yderligere kan man sige, at i februar 2022, den 16. februar, hvis man ser på OSCE’s vurdering af, hvad der skete, hvor de tæller hvor mange eksplosioner, hvor mange skyderier, hvor mange drab, hvor mange dette og hint – det er deres job at gøre dette. De udtalte, at der fra den 16. februar var en stigning på næsten 30 gange flere eksplosioner. Hvad betyder det? Det betyder, at den ukrainske hær på dette tidspunkt allerede havde startet en krig! 110.000 ukrainske soldater var klar i Donbass og klar til at gå ind i Donbass. Desuden havde de som sagt hævdet, at de gerne ville indtage Krim.
 
Så nu er vi nået frem til den 24. februar. Putin var nødt til at forholde sig til situationen. Jeg billiger ikke Putins beslutning. Jeg er ikke sikker på, at det er rigtigt; jeg siger ikke, at det er rigtigt. Men han stod i en meget, meget vanskelig situation. Så denne situation kom ikke bare ud af det blå, ud af ingenting: Der er naturligvis en sammenhæng, der er en historie forud for dette. Hvis vi gerne vil løse problemet, bør vi finde måder at finde fredelige løsninger på. Jeg mener, at vi bør begynde her. Vi bør starte med “Hvorfor er vi endt her?” Vi er også nødt til på en eller anden måde at undersøge “Hvorfor endte vi her?” Måske har vi begået nogle fejltagelser, måske har vi gjort nogle ting her i vores del af verden. Måske har vi gjort noget, der kunne få Putin til at tro, at vi havde onde hensigter. For meget ofte siger vi, at NATO er en defensiv organisation, som ikke kunne drømme om at forstyrre noget som helst. Men hvis man ser på, hvad der sker i Ukraine i det sidste år, i hvert fald fra marts 2021 til februar 2022, hvis man ser på, hvad der skete der, hvis man sidder i Rusland og ser på, hvad der sker der, er det meget, meget tydeligt, at der er intentioner om at tage det tilbage.
 
Dette er en rød linje for Rusland. Det har de sagt. Der er ingen tvivl om, at Rusland har en rød linje, og på en eller anden måde er man nødt til at agere på den. Jeg siger ikke, at det er det rigtige at gøre, men at sige at Putin er en galning, at han bare er blevet skør eller noget, det synes jeg ikke er relevant. Jeg siger ikke, at han har truffet den rigtige beslutning, men han er ikke gal. Han ser faktisk på verden fra en anden vinkel.

English: Jens Jørgen Nielsen, degrees in the history of ideas and communication, a Moscow correspondent for the major Danish daily Politiken in the late 1990s, author of several books about Russia and Ukraine, a leader of the Russian-Danish Dialogue organization, and an associate professor of communication and cultural differences at the Niels Brock Business College in Denmark.
English:

Thank you very much for the invitation. I think this conference is both very timely and very relevant, because I have lived for many years — you can look at the color of my hair — you can be sure that I have lived for several decades. I don’t remember during all these years after the Second World War, we are in a situation like we are in now. I was a small boy during the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962. I didn’t know very much about it, but I remember my parents and all adults were very nervous about it. But still, I would say now I sometimes look back at this time of the Cold War, and I think things were much better at this time. I never thought I should come to this point. Sometimes I wake up in the morning and hope everything was a nightmare, but I’m afraid it is not. I’m afraid I’m alive and I’m not sleeping, I’m not dreaming; it is reality right now. I’ll just say about the Cuban Missile Crisis, Khrushchev and Kennedy, they found common language like they say in Russian [phrase in Russian 57:01], and they got along and they found a solution pretty quickly. They somehow respected each other. Think of Nixon and Brezhnev; their relationship was — of course they were opponents, competitors — of course they were, but they had some respect for each other. Same goes for Reagan and Gorbachev and so on. So, that’s why I think that the time right now is awful, because we don’t have this respect. If you look at how they describe Putin in all the media, and have been doing so for I would say 15, almost 20 years, it’s like denigration, open hatred, scorn and such kinds of things. I think it’s a very bad omen, it’s a very bad sign that we are in for some very troublesome times.I would like to talk a little about two questions which very seldom are being asked, and very seldom being answered. The first question, which I will talk a little bit more about at length is, “How did we end up there? How did it come to be that now, 30 years after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, we ended up in this situation where we are actually closer than ever to the annihilation of the human race?” I think it’s a very basic question. Of course, the second question is “What do we do? How shall we get out of this? How do we get to the negotiation table to negotiate peace terms, things like that?” And maybe a third question, of course, “How do we build a new world? It’s not right now, because now is about how do we prevent a nuclear war?”I will handle these two questions. How did we get there? I think Jan Øberg will talk a little bit more about what we should do, or maybe even more, what we should not do. Well, I can say that I’ve been around for almost 30 years, actually also this time I was working in Russia, I worked at some embassies in the former Soviet Republics, and started to learn the Russian language even before that. Secondly, I was married to a Russian, 30 years back, in 1992. We had hopes for a new world, we had just left the Cold War, and we had hopes that we should live in a peaceful world. And here we are, 30 years later. But there is some hope; we are not divorced, we are not planning to do so, so there’s a little hope there I would say.Back to what has happened. In 1991, when the Soviet Union was dissolved, and the Warsaw Pact was dissolved, I travelled a lot in Russia. I was very much in Russia, I had Russian friends. They were all enthusiastic, they were all optimistic. “Now we are entering a new world. Now we have a harmonious world marked by harmony and peace and development, and things like that.” They said they emphatically wanted to be part of the West; they wanted to share our values and things like that. If you have this picture in the beginning of the 1990s, it was very difficult to live in Russia because everything broke down and there was chaos. But they wanted to be part of the West. So, the good question is, what actually happened? Why didn’t it turn out this way? There are several step stones in this, I would say, because already in the beginning of the 1990s, Bill Clinton came to power in the United States. He first endorsed a plan of the Eastern European countries becoming part of NATO, leaving Russia outside. In this way, I would say he declined the proposal of Mr. Gorbachev to build a European house. There was actually a plan to build a European house, but it was a European house based on military, and with Russia being outside. At this time in the United Nations, even in Europe, many people warned that it would not work; it definitely would not work, because even the liberals in Russia, and many of those pro-Western liberals said, “It’s a very bad idea.”But it worked this way, because Clinton was very much insisting on this. And it started at this time. Then they had, I don’t know if it was bad luck, maybe intentionally, that they adopted Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic, at the same time as it started to bomb in Serbia. And Serbia is a very close historical ally for Russia.So, at this time, I was a journalist. I talked to a lot of people. I talked to Sakharov’s widow, Yelena Bonner; I talked to all the liberals—who didn’t I talk to at this time? And everyone was very sharply opposed to this. At this time, I think if you should put a year, it was 1999, a year when the split actually began; maybe it started a little earlier, but at this time it was obvious. And then, Putin came into this situation; he didn’t create this situation. Many people think that the Russians were liberals and that the evil Putin came along. No! It’s the other way around. Actually, Putin took the agenda of the Russian people, and even not that, because funny enough, Putin was very eager to join NATO. It’s very interesting to talk about this today. He wanted Russia to join NATO, at least he said so in an interview with BBC in 2000, when he first became President.But even in Afghanistan, Putin supported the West. He helped the West in Afghanistan. He did everything to become friends. He made a speech in the Bundestag in Berlin, and he did everything he could. But he found out that it was in vain, because Russia was doomed to be left out of this new security architecture, because European security was NATO without Russia.I think everything started to deteriorate from this. You could make some stepping stones. I’ll just mention a very few. You can say that in 2008 there was a NATO summit in Bucharest, Romania. At this point, George W. Bush was President, and he invited Georgia and Ukraine to become part of NATO. Well, France and Germany were not that enthusiastic about this, so they actually turned it down. But it was kept on the agenda, that these two countries had an invitation. And Putin was present at this conference, and he was very, very angry. But nothing happened really. And you can say the solution at the NATO summit was the worst conceivable resolution, because first, they made the Ukrainians and Georgians think that they would have the backing of NATO if they attacked Russia, or like Saakashvili in Georgia did in 2008. And secondly, it raised the suspicion of the Russians, and it didn’t solve anything. From that, it became even worse. In Ukraine, even at this time, you had a very Russophobic government. In Ukraine, you have approximately 50% Russian speakers, who wanted not to join Russia, but to have friendly relations with Russia and at least be neutral as a state. Many of the western parts of Ukraine, many people there thought otherwise, that they should join NATO and the European Union. So, it’s a divided country in many ways.But at least at this point in 2008, Ukraine was invited [to join NATO]. Interestingly enough, 17% of the Ukrainian population wanted to join NATO; 66% did not want to join NATO. I think those are very interesting figures, because it says everything about how America had an agenda to pull Ukraine out of the Russian orbit, and they didn’t even hide it. Zbigniew Brzezinski, who was National Security Advisor, wrote a book about the {Grand Chessboard}: he openly wrote, yes, we want to tear Ukraine out of the orbit of Russia. So, how much stability could you build there? And things got even in worse.And interestingly, in 2010, Viktor Yanukovych from the Party of Regions, was elected President, and in 2012 his party and some other parties had the majority. And they were in favor of Ukraine continuing to be a neutral country, and secondly, they were in favor of close cooperation with Russia in terms of gas deliveries and the rent of the naval base of Sevastopol and Crimea, and so on. Then, you had a discussion — Helga already mentioned it — about the Association Agreement with the European Union. And Yanukovych read it very carefully, and found out that it was not very benevolent for Ukraine, and he declined to sign it.Then, came the Maidan, and all this kind of things, and in February 2014 there was actually what I would call a coup. In my opinion, you cannot call it anything but a coup. It was not in the Parliament. There were not enough votes in the Parliament, and it was a military coup, nothing short of it, I would say.Then came the destruction of Ukraine, because in the eastern part they had voted in towns like Lugansk, almost 90% had voted for the Party of Regions; in Donetsk it was 85%; Crimea the same, 85% had voted for this party, which had just been kicked out of the government. So, of course, they reacted to this. And in Crimea, there was a secession from Ukraine, and they eventually became a part of Russia.So, then the war started: The Ukrainian Army started to attack the republics that had declared themselves independent. Because you can say from a legal point of view, if you can make a coup in Kyiv, you can also make a coup in Donetsk. At least in Donetsk and Lugansk they had referendums. They elected new government parties in these two republics. So, at least there, the sanctions regime started and even much more deterioration between NATO and Russia, much more. At this time, it was actually a real war going on in Donbass, which is the eastern part of Donbass, which is a region of Ukraine.Many people in Denmark, I would now discuss these matters with my fellow Danes, and I say “maybe you know that 14,000 people have been killed in this war?” “What? No, it’s Russian propaganda.” Well, it’s definitely not, because it’s the assessment of the OSCE, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, which I think is probably the only source we have for these kinds of figures. At least some thousands of this 14,000 are civilian people, and among those, many children. But the Russians can also see we don’t cry for these children, we don’t raise Russian flags for these children in our countries in the West. So, many Russians tend to think “OK, then, if we want to secure the security of Russian speakers, it should be Russia because the European Union is not at all interested.“ The Ukrainian government is certainly not interested in protecting human rights for those people who wanted to keep their language or have some normal relations to Russia.So, this is something which is going on in Russia, and at least in part of the divided country of Ukraine. In February 2015, there was a very interesting conference in Minsk, and Lukashenko was the host there. It was an agreement between France, Germany, Russia, and Ukraine, and also those two republics. They signed an agreement according to which Ukraine was supposed to have direct negotiations with the leaders of those two republics — Donetsk and Lugansk. The idea was that Ukraine was supposed to amend its constitution to allow for autonomous entities in Ukraine. The thought being that Donetsk and Lugansk would be autonomous entities in Ukraine, deciding about which language there would be and deciding also about having veto in questions about military policy, and things like that. And I think it was actually the best you could achieve, and I think at this point I would commend Merkel, because she made this agreement without the immediate support of the U.S.A. She did it on her own; she brought Hollande from France with her, and made this agreement, which is the best you could achieve at the time.But, very soon, it became clear that Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko was not the master in his own house, as we say, because he wanted to get it through in the Parliament. What happened? Some of these right-wing groups that Helga also talked about, exploded. Members of the Parliament, three people were killed at this point. They threatened Poroshenko, and said that if he would even go on and realize these provisions in the Minsk II Agreement, he would be killed in a basement. He didn’t want to be killed in a basement, so he stopped it. Later on, Zelenskyy, the same goes for him. He said when he ran for President that he wanted to make peace. He wanted also to fulfill the agreements of Minsk II, and what happened? He was threatened too, and nothing happened. Both Poroshenko and later Zelenskyy said that we will not fulfill this agreement. It’s clear speech, you would say.But at this point, Germany and France didn’t say anything. You could have imagined that they would have told the Ukrainian government, “Please, you signed an agreement. We expect that you will fulfill the provisions of the agreement.” So much more that this Minsk II became part of the United Nations policy. The Security Council has adopted it as official UN policy, but the Ukrainian government didn’t care about it, and no Western country would ever mention that they should fulfill this agreement.Now, I see that I am running out of time. I’ll just say that if you go a little further, Zelenskyy came to power — 70% of the Ukrainian population supported him. Why? Because he said he was for peace; he would like to have an agreement with Russia; he will solve their problems with negotiations in Donbass, with Lugansk and Donetsk. But he was threatened also, and he went back from this policy. Instead, he invited even more [military aid from the U.S.] from 2017-18, it was during the reign of Donald Trump, Ukraine was armed more and more, and they started to have common military exercises. They installed military technique also in the Eastern part, and also in Ukraine. So, you could say that even though Ukraine was not part of NATO, NATO was in Ukraine, of course. I would go even further, and say that last year, in 2021, there were several interesting things. One year ago, or even more, it was in March last year, Zelenskyy claimed that he had to declare war. He said he would like to take back Crimea and Donbass with the military, and supported by NATO, not with NATO soldiers, but NATO equipment, NATO training, and things like that.And in 2021, there was a naval exercise in the Black Sea with 32 countries participating in this. And further on, you could say that in February 2022, on Feb. 16, if you look at what the OSCE assessment is of what happened, where they count how many explosions, how many shootings, how many killings, how many this and that—it’s their job to do this. They said that from Feb. 16th, there was an increase of almost 30 times more explosions. What does that mean? It means that the Ukrainian Army at this point already had started a war! 110,000 Ukrainian soldiers were ready in Donbass and ready to enter Donbass. Also, they had claimed, as I said, that they would like to take Crimea.So, now we go to Feb. 24th. Putin had to deal with the situation. I’m not endorsing Putin’s decision. I’m not sure it’s right; I’m not saying it’s right. But he had a very, very difficult situation. So, this situation did not just come out of the blue, out of nothing: Of course, there’s a context, there’s a history before that. And if we would like to solve the problem, we should find ways to find peaceful solutions. I think we should start here. We should start with “Why did we end up here?” And also, we need to somehow look into “Why did we end up here?” Maybe we made some mistakes, maybe we did some things here in our part of the world. Maybe we did something that could make Putin think that we had evil intentions. Because very often we say NATO is a defensive organization that couldn’t dream of upsetting anything. But if you look at what is happening in Ukraine in the last year, at least from March 2021 to February 2022, if you look at what happened there, if you sit in Russia and watch what’s happening there, it’s very, very obvious, that there is the intention of taking this back.This is a red line for Russia. They said so. There’s no doubt that Russia has a red line, and somehow you have to act on it. I’m not saying it’s the right thing to do, but to say that Putin is a madman, that he just became crazy or something, I think it’s not relevant. I’m not saying he made the right decision, but he’s not a madman. He looks at the world from another angle, actually.RASMUSSEN: Thank you very much, Jens Jørgen.



English transcript: Introduction and Helga Zepp-LaRouche’s keynote speech
at the Schiller Institute’s Danish-Swedish seminar
We Need a New Security And Development Architecture for All Nations,
Not a Strengthening of Geopolitical Blocs,
May 25, 2022

May 25, 2022 (EIRNS)—Michelle Rasmussen, vice president of the Schiller Institute in Denmark, opened the online seminar this afternoon:

Your Excellencies and diplomats from many countries on four continents, guest speakers, members and friends of the Schiller Institute, ladies and gentlemen,

Welcome to this seminar sponsored by the Schiller Institutes in Denmark and Sweden, which is also being live streamed on YouTube. The title is, “We Need a New International Security and Development Architecture, Not a Strengthening of Geopolitical Blocs. NO in the Danish June 1 referendum about abolishing the EU Defense opt-out, and NO to Sweden and Finland joining NATO.” I am Michelle Rasmussen, vice president of the Schiller Institute in Denmark, and I will be the moderator today.

After the start of the war in Ukraine, a dramatic shift in defense policy has been proposed in three of the Nordic countries. Denmark is having a referendum on June 1 about joining the EU’s military activities, and Sweden’s and Finland’s governments want to join NATO. We think that it is necessary to discuss these issues from a higher standpoint.

Our keynote speaker, Helga Zepp-LaRouche, the founder and international chairwoman of the Schiller Institute stated on May 19, that this is the most dangerous moment in world history. There is war in Europe, and many experts are warning that if the war were not ended soon, and a diplomatic solution crafted, and if those advocating increasing the geopolitical confrontation were not politically defeated, the war could escalate to, even, nuclear war. At the same time, the world economy is in crisis.

While the dangers are great, there is hope, because there are solutions in the form of a new security and development architecture, including proposals by the late Lyndon LaRouche, the founder of our political movement, Helga Zepp-LaRouche and the Schiller Institute,for a security agreement modeled on the Peace of Westphalia, combined with increased economic development cooperation between countries.

We have called this meeting to discuss:

• What caused the current extremely dangerous military, and economic crisis.

• Why strengthening the EU military arm with Danish participation, and Sweden and Finland joining NATO would only exacerbate geopolitical conflict, and

• What are the principles upon which we can create a new security and development architecture, for the benefit of all nations and people.

We want to ensure that both the dangers and solutions are known, and that an effective movement is built to stop a further escalation of this war and its economic effects, and prevent future wars and economic destruction. Somehow, humanity must create the conditions where war is not an option, in this era of nuclear weapons.

————–
Helga Zepp-LaRouche Keynote

May 25, 2022 (EIRNS)—Here is the Keynote of Schiller Institute founder Helga Zepp-LaRouche: We Need a New Security And Development Architecture for All Nations, Not a Strengthening of Geopolitical Blocs: Why Sweden and Finland Should Not Join NATO, and ‘No’ in the Referendum in Denmark to Join EU’s Military,” the online seminar in Denmark and Sweden today. She was introduced by Schiller Institute in Denmark Vice President Michelle Rasmussen, who moderated the seminar.

The video is available here: 
On the international Schiller Institute YouTube channel: https://youtu.be/8Dt9D_D_U4U

On the Danish YouTube channel: https://youtu.be/1Pji0vjD9Kg

Helga Zepp-LaRouche:
 Hello, good day, Ladies and Gentlemen: As Michelle just said, I have stated that we are facing the most dangerous crisis in the history of mankind. Now, why am I am saying that? Obviously, that includes two world wars in the 20th century, the Cuban Missile Crisis, so it’s a big order. Well, the first reason is the most obvious, for the very first time, we are facing the real danger of a global nuclear war, and if it would ever come to that, it for sure would mean the annihilation of the human species.

In the recent period, the illusion has developed that a limited nuclear war can be fought, and won, or that protracted, hybrid nuclear/conventional war can take place. This was the subject of a maneuver in January of this year, called “Global Lightning,” which had the idea that you have some nuclear bombs, neutron bombs, space war, cyberwar, and this would go on for weeks. Now, the famous nuclear arms specialist, former MIT Prof. Ted Postol has developed all the arguments why this is completely ludicrous, that why, if one uses only one single nuclear weapon, it is the logic of nuclear war, that all will be used.

In the recent months, since the war in Ukraine started, you hear from all kinds of politicians and journalists and who knows who else making reckless talk, saying things like “even if there is the risk of nuclear war, we have to send heavy weapons to Ukraine. We can’t be blackmailed.” Or, “it won’t happen, because nobody would be so foolish to do this.” Well, I don’t think that that is a convincing argument.

The second reason why I am saying we are in the worst crisis ever, is that we experience a civilizational breakdown, the end of an entire system. Now, this has many elements. We have an immediate danger of an escalation of the war, as a result of the present chicken-game policies conducted by NATO against Russia. We are facing a hyperinflationary blowout of the Western neoliberal financial system, which was long in process, even before the war in Ukraine started. We are looking at a world famine, which according to the United Nations is threatening 1.7 billion people with starvation. That is 20% of the entire human species. The pandemic is not over, and all of this is threatening social chaos as a result, and that chaos, all by itself, could threaten to plunge the world into a war.

If one listens to the Western media, and all kinds of politicians, it is naturally all to be blamed on Putin. He is being given all possible names right now, that he has caused an “unprovoked war of aggression”; that he responsible for world famine; that he is the cause of inflation; and so forth and so on. If you say any argument for the real causes of the present situation, you are immediately accused of fake news, you are called a “Putin agent,” it is denounced as Russia propaganda.

Well, it has very little to do with Ukraine. In reality, this present confrontation is about the world order. It is a fight between an unipolar world, which is really a world empire based on the “U.S.-British special relationship,” whereby the Anglo-American hegemon insists that only the so-called “rules-based order” which they have defined is valid; versus a world in which the rise of China and countries associated with Russia and China insist on their own right for economic development.

We are right now at the most precarious moment: The neoliberal system is collapsing. It is not strong enough any more to enforce its will, but the new order is not yet clearly defined. Naturally, in the officially allowed discussion, it is being said that this is a fight between the “democracies” and the “autocratic regimes.” Well, right now, if you listen to what certain politicians and people like Stoltenberg are saying, we are heading toward a potential total decoupling between the West, plus the Five Eyes, plus Japan, Australia, and South Korea, versus a part of the world which includes Russia, China, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the BRICS, plus many countries that are now trying to become part of the BRICS, which is most of the Global South.

In frantic trips, Blinken is running around the world, trying to convince people to join the faction of the “democracies.” President Biden right now is in Asia, doing the same thing. Chancellor Scholz just went to Africa, von der Leyen to India, all in an effort to isolate Russia and China, but it’s not working: Because India, Indonesia, Brazil, Egypt, Nigeria, South Africa, and many others do not want to be pulled into a geopolitical confrontation between the two sides. And what we are actually experiencing is a real renaissance of the Non-Aligned Movement.

Well, we should not overlook, given the American policies, the role of the British, which is “Global Britain,” which is really a new word for the British Empire, which contrary to the views of many, has only changed its shape, but not its essence. Take, for example, an article by Malcolm Chalmers, Deputy Director General of the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), which happens to be the oldest official think tank associated with the Royal household, and the British military. They describe themselves as the “world’s oldest and leading U.K. defense and security think tank.” They’re proposing a “Cuban Missile Crisis on steroids,” which could result over the Ukrainian attempt to retake Crimea, which would make it easier, in their view, to settle the Ukraine-Russia war. And this is the stunning proposition in this article, which has the headline, “This War Still Presents Nuclear Risks—Especially in Relation to Crimea,” which was published on May 20 by the RUSI think tank. [https://rusi.org/explore-our-research/publications/commentary/war-still-presents-nuclear-risks-especially-relation-crimea]

Chalmers discusses how Russia could be forced into a nuclear confrontation, by sending evermore sophisticated weapons to Ukraine, from which it would ultimately back down. Chalmers describes NATO’s strategy over the last three months as that of “boiling the Russian frog.” You all remember the picture—according to the story, I don’t think it’s actually true—but according to the story, if you throw a frog into boiling water, the frog it will jump out; but if you put the frog into the water pot, when the water is cold, and then you slowly increase the temperature, the frog ends up being boiled without noticing. So he talks about “boiling the Russian frog” by progressively increasing “size and sophistication of the weapons they have been prepared to supply to Ukraine.” Because of those weapons, “the next period will see Ukraine reversing most of Russia’s recent territorial gains, including Kherson and even Mariupol.” That, however, would not occasion a nuclear threat, nor would Ukraine, using those weapons and territorial gains to destroy bridges, railheads, storage sites, and airbases inside Russia. But should Ukraine move to retake Crimea, strike a “tempting target,” of the Kerch Bridge for example, now, that could lead to a “Crimea Missile Crisis,” Chalmbers argues. “A specific threat to use nuclear weapons in relation to Crimea … might be viewed by Putin as a way to restore some of his coercive power, even if he (and the U.S.) doubted whether he would deliver on such a threat…. If a red line were not accepted by Ukraine, Russia might then feel that it had to consider a series of further escalatory options, such as putting its nuclear forces on higher alert.” They are already on alert. “Faced with the alternative of the likely loss of Crimea, Putin might believe that Ukraine (with U.S. encouragement) would be likely to blink first. It would be a moment of extreme peril, with all the parties seeking to understand the intent of each other even as they looked to pursue their national interests.

“Precisely because of the peril inherent in such a situation, a nuclear crisis of this sort could make it easier for leaders to make difficult compromises. Provided that the war was ended and the blockade of Odesa lifted, Ukraine’s leaders might be willing to postpone a settlement of the Crimea question. For Putin, the failure of the invasion, and the subsequent success of the Ukrainian counteroffensive, would have been a massive humiliation. But he would at least be able to argue that the might of the Russian strategic arsenal had, at a moment of great national weakness, successfully deterred NATO’s designs for dismembering Russia. This could be enough for both sides to avoid the worst outcome of all.”

I mean, this is complete insanity, you know! Saying that one has to threaten to retake Crimea, and then get all the nuclear weapons on the highest alert, and then we can sit down and settle. So he calls that a Crimea Cuban Missile Crisis on steroids.

Now, that policy of “boiling the Russian frog,” that has not started three months ago, but that has been the method since 1990, when on Feb. 9, 1990, James Baker III promise to Gorbachev, that NATO would not move one inch eastward. In the entire Yeltsin period, there was a policy to reduce the former superpower into a raw materials exporting nation, with the “shock therapy” of Jeffrey Sachs, and between 1991-1994, the industrial potential of Russia was reduced to only 30%. There is a very important book by Sergei Glazyev, which describes the 1990s, with the title Genocide: Russia and the New World Order, because that is what was imposed on Russia at that time.

Now, the crime of Putin is that he tried to reverse that, and had some success with it. The answer was color revolutions, regime change, humanitarian wars, like the 20 years in Afghanistan, where as a result of the hasty retreat of NATO and the U.S. in August, now, there are 24 million people at starvation levels in Afghanistan, exposed to COVID, measles, polio, without adequate medicine. So, if one would have equally detailed TV coverage of Afghanistan for 20 years, like we see it now with Ukraine every day, maybe the world would have been equally upset—or, maybe not, because the Afghanis are not white.

Then you had the Iraq War in 2003, about which Nancy Pelosi admitted publicly that all responsible people knew ahead of time that there were no weapons of mass destruction. You had Libya. Hillary Clinton, during the Durham investigation in the United States, had to admit that the entire basis of Russiagate were all lies. Did one see anything about that in the mainstream media? Absolutely not! At least not in Europe. Then there was Syria. Then you had the 2014 Maidan coup, about which Victoria Nuland bragged, $5 billion were spent by the State Department on NGOs, and, let’s not forget, the Azov Battalion, which media in the West are now saying, there are no Nazis in Ukraine—but it is a documented fact that there are.

Now, Putin, as a result of this “boiling the Russian frog,” over almost 30 years, on Dec. 15 demanded legally binding security guarantees from the United States and NATO. He has not received an answer from the U.S. or NATO on the core demands, only on arms control, but that was not the essence of what he was demanding. The head of the Russian Security Council, Nikolay Patrushev, said that Russia had no other way, because they were threatened in the existence of the statehood of Russia, when they made what they call the “special military operation” in Ukraine. And one can absolutely argue that Russia was in a situation, according to UN Charter Article 51, which is a question of self-defense and not of aggression.

Now, we are facing with Finland and Sweden, the sixth expansion of NATO. That is the answer, which Stoltenberg even brags about. He says, “Putin wanted less NATO, now he gets more NATO.” So the boiling temperature is just being increased.

One has to take this insane policy of causing a Crimea Cuban Missile Crisis, together with another British policy, which was exposed in a paper by the Henry Jackson Society in 2020, which they put again on the front page of the Henry Jackson Society website, which means it’s ongoing policy of that think tank. It is a report outlining a strategy to use the infamous “Five Eyes” alliance—U.K., U.S., Canada, Australia and New Zealand—as the instrument to force through the decoupling of the West from China. This rabidly anti-Russia, anti-China neocon think tank is run by British intelligence, through among others, the former MI6 Chief Sir Richard Dearlove, who is the main brain of Russiagate, which was completely discredited as a lie; and he was one of the founders of the Henry Jackson Society and is one of its principals today.

So, even the attempt to decouple China from the international system, before consummated, could detonate an economic nuclear bomb upon the entire world economy. China is not just the world’s largest trading power: It’s currently generating the highest rate of scientific and technological development on the planet, a productive power which the developing sector nations and the collapsing Western nations urgently require if they want to survive. But actual nuclear warfare could also be the result, because part of the Henry Jackson Society strategy is to build up ties with Taiwan leading to its separation from China. China has made abundantly clear that it will respond with overwhelming military force to any attempt to split Taiwan off from the rest of the nation of China. This is as dangerous a proposition as a NATO-backed Ukraine moving to retake Crimea. So, when President Biden made a gaffe in answer to a reporter on his recent trip to Japan, “Would the United States defend Taiwan militarily?” Biden said, again, “Yes.” And he had to be correct, again, by the White House.

Now, the Chinese already had editorials where they said, this is not a “gaffe,” this is a signal of what is the real intention of the United States. And Chas Freeman, who was Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs, and he was the official translator for President Nixon in his 1972 trip to China, and a career diplomat, he warned, and called it a colossal mistake for Biden to have made such a stupid statement.

President Biden is currently championing these precisely British strategies on his current trip to Asia. Fresh from celebrating the expansion of NATO, Biden is to unveil a grandiose Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) during his stop in Japan as the highlight of the trip. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan stated bluntly on Wednesday, May 18, that the message of the IPEF is that “democracies and open societies of the world stand together to shape the rules of the road. We think that message will be heard everywhere. We think it will be heard in Beijing.”

Fifty-two U.S. Senators sent Biden off on his trip with instructions that Taiwan be incorporated as one of the “countries” participating in the IPEF, which is clearly not acceptable from the standpoint of China, because it is a violation of the One China policy.

Now, just today, if you open the media, if you look at the TV, if you look at TV or newspapers, a huge scandal story about pictures from the supposed labor camps in Xinjiang, were “investigated” by a group of international media, that 1 million Uighurs would have been tortured, beaten in labor camps, forced labor, and so forth. Naturally, our so-called Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock immediately had an outcry demanding a transparent clearing up of the accusations. Calls that all relations with China should be cut—after cutting relations with Russia—and that all trade with China should be stopped, now, let’s look at it realistically: China in 2021 was the third largest partner for the EU export of goods, 10.2%, and the largest partner for the EU import of goods, 22.4%; for Germany, it was the largest trading partner for goods in 2021, with a volume of trade of over €245 million. To cut that would mean total economic suicide, which is already happening with the relations with Russia.

What is the source of this incredible story? The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, one of the leading newspapers in Germany, says, all the photos and data have been made available through Adrian Zenz, a German anthropologist, and longtime Xinjiang observer. Now, this Mr. Adrian Zenz claims that he got all of that from an “unnamed source” who had access to cyber, cyberwar spying and whatnot. Well, that’s a very dubious observation. But Adrian Zenz is not an unknown entity: The blog, The Grayzone, and the very respected investigative journalist Ajit Singh and Max Blumenthal already wrote articles in 2019, after he had come up with a similar story about genocide in Xinjiang, that Mr. Zenz is a “far-right fundamentalist Christian who opposes homosexuality and gender equality, supports ’scriptural spanking”’ of children, and believes he is ‘led by God’ on a ‘mission’ against China.,” because the end-times are near and the rise of the anti-Christ is also coming. He is on a complete rampage, saying that [there is genocide in] Xinjiang because of a collapse of the demographic curve of the Uighurs, and Lyle Goldstein, who is professor at the Naval War College in the United States, says that such a statement is “ridiculous to the point of being inciting to those who lost relatives in the Holocaust.”

There is ample evidence that there is no “demographic collapse” of the Uighurs in Xinjiang: Just the opposite. There is a 2019 study in the British medical journal Lancet, which talks about a massive improvement of life expectancy among the Uighurs, a demographic growth rate which is much higher than that of the Han Chinese, an improvement in maternal health, in infant mortality, and all of this represents “a remarkable success story.”

Zenz’s so-called testimony comes from Uighur exiles who are cultivated by the U.S. State Department. Zenz served as a fellow at the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation in Washington, D.C., which is a right-wing lobbying group born out of the National Captive Nations Committee. Now, that is a very, very interesting connection, because that was founded by Ukrainian nationalist Lev Dobriansky, who is heading this institution whose co-chairman was Yaroslav Stetsko, who was a leader of the OUN-B militia, which is the Nazi group that fought along with German Nazis during the occupation of Ukraine in World War II. Stetsko and his wife had a residence in Munich during the entire postwar period, and led from there the “Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations.” After he died, Mrs. Stetsko went to Ukraine and rebuilt the OUN-B, the Bandera organization, in the tradition of the ideas of Stepan Bandera. Now, that is a direct connection to that apparatus, which was heavily led by the Western secret services—Bandera himself joined the MI6 in 1947, and the BND in Munich had a close, at least “knowledge” about these people (to say the least).

Zenz was also deployed by the Jamestown Foundation, a neocon think tank in D.C., which was founded by CIA director William Casey as an extra-governmental channel to pay Soviet dissidents.

If Germany or other European nations fall for this intelligence operation, which is exactly what the Henry Jackson Society talked about, namely the “Five Eyes” at work, if they follow this, it would be complete economic suicide. Now, even Henry Kissinger, at the age of 99 years, is more reasonable, and at Davos, he said the world has at maximum a window of two months to end the Ukraine war through negotiations, and he appealed to Ukraine that they should agree to a territorial compromise to get peace.

At the Schiller conference on April 9, we presented a completely different approach: There is an alternative to the complete decoupling between the so-called “democracies” and the Global South on the other side. The new system is already emerging rapidly. There are many countries which at the recent foreign ministers’ meeting of the BRICS, want to be part of: Argentina, Indonesia, Egypt, Nigeria and many others. You have the BRICS enlarged, you have the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, almost all organizations of the Global South that want to be part of a new international security and development architecture, which basically is the combination of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, together with two other proposals by President Xi Jinping: The Global Development Initiative and the Global Security Initiative, which is actively being implemented.

Now, what we need is such a conference, for a new international security and development architecture, in the tradition of the Peace of Westphalia. Now, the Peace of Westphalia was the recognition of all war parties that if they would continue the war, no one would be left to enjoy the victory, because they would all be dead. And that is why they developed the principle that any peace must be based on the interest of the other. The security interest of every country on the planet, which today would mean a security architecture emphatically involving Russia and China. And such a conference, must address the causes for such a war danger: Because it is not enough at this point to be against the war. You have to solve the problem that the collapse of the neoliberal financial system is in progress.

Lyndon LaRouche has a unique record that he foresaw what is happening today, the present crisis, already in August 1971, when Nixon ended the old Bretton Woods system, by replacing the fixed-exchange-rate system, with a floating exchange-rate system, and LaRouche predicted at that time, that if you would continue on that road, it would lead to a new depression, the danger of a new war, and fascism. And that is exactly where we are today.

LaRouche proposed Four Laws to solve the crisis. The first step, a global Glass-Steagall banking separation system, must end the casino economy. There must be capital and exchange controls to prevent the speculative manipulation of currencies, which we see right now in much of the world.

Every country must have a National Bank to make credit generation again the question of the sovereign government, and not that of private bankers, in the tradition of Alexander Hamilton. Then, these National Banks must be connected through a credit system which provides long-term, low-interest credit for real investment in the physical economy.

Also, the Fourth Law is that we must have a crash program for fusion technology, which in the recent period has made tremendous progress, and the commercial use of it is visibly on the horizon. Because we need a massive increase in the productivity of the world economy because just the fact that 1.7 billion people are threatened with starvation, that 2 billion have no clean water, is the proof that the present level of productivity has fallen way below the level of maintaining the present world population of 8 billion people.

And there must be international cooperation, not only for fusion technology, but also for space technology and space travel, because that is the vanguard of scientific and technological realm today.

So we are right now confronted with a situation where the leading governments and institutions are challenged: Are we able to solve the problems of the world, are we able to address the problems which threaten the very existence of mankind, or not? Now, the Schiller Institute has proposed for more than 30 years, first, the Eurasian Land-Bridge; the New Silk Road, and in 2013, we proposed the “New Silk Road Becomes the World Land-Bridge.” Please show the slide: Now, this is a blueprint how we can overcome world poverty, how we can eradicate underdevelopment forever, and how can we create a new, modern world health system for every country in the world, which is the only way how we can overcome old and new diseases, this pandemic and threatening new pandemics.

This is absolutely possible, and this is the vision of how the world will look in a few years, anyway, if we avoid the present danger of nuclear war. The development of infrastructure connecting all continents is the natural way how infrastructure development will continue, provided there is peace. So I think that is something we need to put on the agenda for discussion, and the reason why, despite the incredible danger, one can be optimistic, is because we are the human species, we are capable of reason, and we are not barbarians.

Thank you.

Rasmussen: OK, we have 10 minutes now questions to Helga. … We have a question from Elena. While we’re waiting for Elena, we have a question from Jens Jørgen Nielsen, one of our speakers.

Jens Jørgen Nielsen: Thank you for a very good presentation. I essentially agree with you. I have one question. As you may know, I live in Denmark, where we will have a referendum in a week’s time, about the European Union: We are discussing in our country for the time being, the role of the European Union and whether it should have an army, how should we have security. I would like a few words: How do you think about the European Union in this context? Because I am somehow skeptical, but I would like to hear your opinion on the European Union and the development right now of the European Union in this context? And also specifically the question of the European military arm, which is the subject of referendum? And the policy toward Ukraine and Russia?

Zepp-LaRouche: When there was a referendum about the EU Constitution in France and Holland 2005, which was defeated, because the majority voted against it. And then they shifted it to the Lisbon Treaty, because by not calling it a “constitution” but by calling it a “treaty,” it did not require a vote. So this was decided in great secrecy, but we were extremely closely watching it at the time. And if you look at the Charter of the EU as it was agreed upon in Lisbon in December 2007, it is practically interwoven with NATO, in such a degree that the Article 5 of NATO practically also involves the EU. In other words, when you join the EU, you are practically also part of whatever NATO does. And the character of NATO has also dramatically changed, in the last 30 years, after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

In the time of the Soviet Union, it was a defensive apparatus against the Warsaw Pact. But in the recent period, it has turned into a completely anti-Russian Russophobe alliance, and therefore, when, in November 2013, when the Ukraine government under Viktor Yanukovych refused to join the EU Association Agreement, it was clear that if Ukraine would join the EU, it would give NATO access to the Black Sea, and that is why he opted out in the last moment.

So, I think that that is an important thing to keep in mind. And the fact that Ursula von der Leyen is at the forefront of all of the policies which I described as British, in my various examples, such as the fight of so-called democracies and so-called autocratic regimes, when she is talking about that every day: She went to India talking like that.

I think the present EU has completely lost touch with the interest of its member-states. I think they have become a gigantic waterhead of a bureaucracy in Brussels which makes for the most part completely ridiculous decisions and orders and rules which are absolutely contrary to the interest of the member countries. And I actually have called for Germany to move out of the EU, because we don’t need a bureaucracy to have a unified Europe! We could have a Europe of the Fatherlands, in the spirit of Charles de Gaulle! We could work together for a join mission to contribute to shaping a new world order in a positive way: We could do that by having national sovereign governments just working together. You don’t need this bureaucracy. That is my view, and I would just advise anybody who has an interest in their own sovereignty to not join this colossus.

Rasmussen: Elena, why don’t you ask your question now?

Elena: Thank you so much. I find everything that Madam Helga said very, very interesting. And of course, at the moment, as I am very interested in the situation between Ukraine and Russia, my optimistic feeling is that Russia is going to come to a solution with Ukraine. Because as I have heard today, Putin has been somehow winning in the territories. So most likely something good will happen.

However, I think what Madam said is so beautiful, I would like to have something to read if possible. Because my connection was not very good, and I was not able to hear well. However, I would be very grateful if Madam could let me have what she said in a written form, that I can read and study. And I can write an article about what she has said, what are the goals of this new architecture and let other people to know about it.

Rasmussen: Elena we will have a transcript of Helga’s comments, and we can send those to you and all the participants. And also the video of this conference will be available to send around.

We have one more questioner, Kwame. We can take a short question.

Kwame: I’m a Swede. Thank you for a nice presentation. My question, because I don’t know: Would you say that China is united and in full control of the Chinese Communist Party? Or, are there some Chinese oligarchs that have good connections with their American counterparts? As for they send some money into the [inaud 51:09] laboratory, maybe to somehow get them connected to the globalists in the Western hemisphere. So, my question is, does the Chinese Communist Party have full control of the country?

Zepp-LaRouche: I would say, absolutely yes. And I just should say something, because right now, when you say “Communist,” some people fall completely into a coma and have hysterical outbursts. I mean, the Communist Party of China is, in my view—and I don’t even think that they would agree with that—but I think they’re 90% Confucian, in the tradition of the ancient Chinese traditions and philosophy, which influenced Chinese policy for more than two millennia. And naturally, there is an element of Marxism and communism, but it’s a meritocracy.

The way people look at the CPC in the West is completely uninformed, and I can only—my best way of answering is that I was in China for the first time, in 1971, in the middle of the Cultural Revolution, and I could travel around in Shanghai, Tientsin, Qingdao, Beijing, I could visit the countryside: And I saw a country which was really distraught! People were poor, the conditions were very terrible. The beautiful garden of the Summer Palace had been painted all red by the Revolutionary Guards. In any case, this was 51 years ago, and when you go to China now, it is so developed! They have 40,000 km of fast train system, of which nobody in the United States or Europe can even dream, because we have nothing like that! China has made an incredible development: 850 million people have been lifted out of poverty. And I could say many, many more things.

Deng Xiaoping coined the term “judging truth from facts.” And if you look at the facts of the gigantic development of China in the last 40 years, in particular, then this Communist Party has done something right. And if you travel to China, and study Chinese history, and meet people in all ranks of life, professors, students, people living in the countryside, other professions, you go to restaurants, and you see how people live, you find a population which is primarily content. They’re optimistic: They’re not like the Europeans and they’re for sure not like the Germans, who are completely pessimistic, and think nothing can function and you can’t do anything anyway. No. That is not the view in China. They are optimistic; they have, to a very large extent, trust in the government. And I think that the Chinese model, which the West is now regarding as a big competitor and threat, the Chinese model is doing something right, which the West is not doing right! And rather than opposing it, we should go to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, and say: We should respect each other, even if the other one has a different social system, and even if the other one has a different way of doing things, according to their history, and their tradition. And I think then, we can absolutely peacefully live together. And that is my stated view, and I think all the slanders about China are really absolutely unfounded, and in particular, this present campaign by this very dubious Adrian Zenz, we should squash before it really takes hold.

Rasmussen: All right, thank you very much Helga! We really appreciate your very in-depth discussion.




Introduktion og Helga Zepp-LaRouches tale til Schiller Instituttets online-seminar fra Danmark og Sverige den 25. maj 2022

Den 25. maj 2022 (EIRNS) — Her er introduktionen og grundlæggeren af Schiller Instituttet, Helga Zepp-LaRouches tale ved videokonferencen:
Vi har brug for en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur for alle nationer, ikke for en styrkelse af geopolitiske blokke: 

Hvorfor Sverige og Finland ikke bør tilslutte sig NATO, 
“Nej” ved folkeafstemningen i Danmark om at tilslutte sig EU’s militær”. 

Introduktion ved Michelle Rasmussen, næstformand, Schiller Instituttet i Danmark 

Deres Excellencer og diplomater fra mange lande fra fire kontinenter, gæstetalere, medlemmer og venner af Schiller Instituttet, mine damer og herrer! Velkommen til dette seminar, der er sponsoreret af Schiller Instituttet i Danmark og Sverige, og som også bliver livestreamet på YouTube. Titlen er: Vi har brug for en ny international sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur, ikke en styrkelse af geopolitiske blokke. NEJ ved den danske folkeafstemning den 1. juni om afskaffelse af EU’s forsvarsforbeholdNEJ til Sveriges og Finlands optagelse i NATO  Jeg er Michelle Rasmussen, vicepræsident for Schiller Instituttet i Danmark, og jeg vil være ordstyrer i dag. Efter starten af krigen i Ukraine er der blevet foreslået et dramatisk skift i forsvarspolitikken i tre af de nordiske lande.Danmark har den 1. juni en folkeafstemning om at tilslutte sig EU’s militære aktiviteter,og Sveriges og Finlands regeringer ønsker at tilslutte sig Nato. Vi mener, at det er nødvendigt at diskutere disse spørgsmål på et højere niveau. Vores hovedtaler, Helga Zepp-LaRouche, grundlægger af Schiller Instituttet, udtalte den 19. maj, at dette er det farligste øjeblik i verdenshistorien. Der er krig i Europa, og mange eksperter advarer om, at hvis krigen ikke snart bringes til ophør, og der ikke findes en diplomatisk løsning, og hvis de, der går ind for at øge den geopolitiske konfrontation, ikke bliver politisk besejret, kan krigen eskalere og endog føre til en atomkrig. Samtidig er verdensøkonomien i krise. Selv om farerne er store, er der håb, fordi der findes løsninger i form af en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur,herunder forslag fra den afdøde Lyndon LaRouche, grundlæggeren af vores politiske bevægelse, Helga Zepp-LaRouche og Schiller Instituttet,om en sikkerhedsaftale efter forbillede af den Vestfalske Fred,kombineret med et øget økonomisk udviklingssamarbejde mellem landene. Vi har indkaldt til dette møde for at drøfte –   * Hvad er årsagen til den nuværende ekstremt farlige militære og økonomiske krise? * Hvorfor en styrkelse af EU’s militære enhed med dansk deltagelse og Sveriges og Finlands optagelse i NATO blot vil forværre de geopolitiske konflikter. * Hvilke principper kan vi anvende til at skabe en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur til gavn for alle nationer og befolkninger? Vi ønsker at sikre, at både farerne og løsningerne er kendt, og at der opbygges en effektiv bevægelse for at stoppe en yderligere optrapning af denne krig og dens økonomiske konsekvenser, og forhindre fremtidige krige og økonomisk ødelæggelse. På en eller anden måde må menneskeheden skabe de betingelser, hvor krig ikke er en mulighed i denne atomvåbenæra.

Helga Zepp-LaRouche blev introduceret af Michelle Rasmussen, som også var ordstyrer på seminaret. 

Den første taler er Helga Zepp-LaRouche, Schiller Instituttets stifter. Hun er også chefredaktør for Executive Intelligence Review, formand for det tyske politiske parti BüSo (Borgerrettighedsbevægelsen Solidaritet), og hun var hustru til og nærmeste medarbejder af den afdøde amerikanske økonom og statsmand Lyndon LaRouche.

Helga Zepp-LaRouche stod blandt mange andre ting i spidsen for en bevægelse for økonomisk udviklingssamarbejde mellem øst og vest efter Berlinmurens fald og Sovjetunionens sammenbrud, først kaldet Den eurasiske Landbro eller Den nye Silkevej, der siden blev udvidet til at blive Verdenslandbroen.

Helga, vi er glade for, at du kan tale til os i dag.

{{Helga Zepp-LaRouche:}} God dag, mine damer og herrer: Som Michelle netop har sagt, har jeg erklæret, at vi står over for den farligste krise i menneskehedens historie.  Hvorfor siger jeg nu det? Det inkluderer naturligvis to verdenskrige i det 20. århundrede, Cuba-krisen, så det er en stor ting. Den første grund er den mest indlysende; for allerførste gang står vi over for den reelle fare for en global atomkrig, og hvis det nogensinde skulle komme dertil, ville det helt sikkert betyde udslettelse af den menneskelige art.

I den seneste tid er der opstået en illusion om, at en begrænset atomkrig kan udkæmpes og vindes, eller at en langvarig hybrid-atom/konventionel krig kan finde sted.  Dette var emnet for en manøvre i januar i år, kaldet “Global Lightning”, som havde den antagelse, at man har nogle atombomber, neutronbomber, rumkrig, cyberkrig, og at dette ville fortsætte i ugevis. Nu har den berømte atomvåbenekspert, den tidligere MIT-professor Ted Postol, udviklet alle argumenter for, hvorfor dette er fuldstændig latterligt, hvorfor, hvis man blot bruger et enkelt atomvåben, er logikken i atomkrig, at alle vil blive brugt.

I de seneste måneder, siden krigen i Ukraine startede, har man hørt alle mulige politikere og journalister og alle mulige andre, der har holdt uforsvarlige taler og sagt ting som: “Selv om der er risiko for atomkrig, er vi nødt til at sende tunge våben til Ukraine. Vi kan ikke lade os afpresse”. Eller: “Det vil ikke ske, for ingen ville være så tåbelige at gøre det”.  Jeg synes ikke, at det er et overbevisende argument.

Den anden grund til at jeg vil påstå, at vi befinder os i den værste krise nogensinde, er, at vi oplever et civilisatorisk sammenbrud, afslutningen på et helt system. Dette har mange aspekter.  Vi har en umiddelbar fare for en optrapning af krigen som følge af NATO’s nuværende krigspolitik over for Rusland, der er baseret på konfrontation. Vi står over for et hyperinflationært sammenbrud af det vestlige neoliberale finanssystem, som længe har været undervejs, selv før krigen i Ukraine begyndte. Vi står over for en hungersnød i verden, som ifølge FN truer 1,7 mia. mennesker med sult.  Det er 20 % af hele menneskeheden. Pandemien er ikke overstået, og alt dette truer med socialt kaos som følge heraf, og dette kaos kan i sig selv true med at kaste verden ud i en krig.

Hvis man lytter til de vestlige medier og alle mulige politikere, skal det hele naturligvis bebrejdes Putin. Han får alle mulige betegnelser lige nu: at han har forvoldt en “uprovokeret angrebskrig”, at han er ansvarlig for hungersnøden i verden, at han er årsag til inflationen, osv.  Hvis man fremsætter noget som helst argument for de virkelige årsager til den nuværende situation, bliver man straks beskyldt for fake news, man bliver kaldt “Putin-agent”, det bliver fordømt som Rusland-propaganda.  

Men det har meget lidt at gøre med Ukraine.  I virkeligheden handler denne nuværende konfrontation om verdensordenen. Det er en kamp mellem en unipolær verden, som i virkeligheden er et verdensimperium baseret på det “særlige amerikansk-britiske forhold”, hvor det angloamerikanske herredømme insisterer på, at kun den såkaldte “regelbaserede orden”, som de har defineret, er gyldig, imod en verden hvor Kinas fremvækst og lande, der er associeret med Rusland og Kina, insisterer på deres egen ret til økonomisk udvikling. 

Vi befinder os lige nu i det mest usikre øjeblik: Det neoliberale system er ved at bryde sammen.  Det er ikke længere stærkt nok til at gennemtvinge sin vilje, men den nye orden er endnu ikke klart defineret. I den officielt tilladte diskussion siges det naturligvis, at dette er en kamp mellem “demokratier” og “autokratiske regimer”. Men hvis man lytter til, hvad visse politikere og folk som Stoltenberg siger, er vi lige nu på vej mod en potentiel total afkobling mellem Vesten samt Five Eyes plus Japan, Australien og Sydkorea over for en del af verden, som omfatter Rusland, Kina, Shanghai-samarbejdsorganisationen (SCO), BRICS, samt mange lande der nu forsøger at blive en del af BRICS, hvilket er det meste af det globale syd. 

Med hektiske udflugter farer Blinken rundt i verden og forsøger at overbevise folk om at slutte sig til “demokratiernes” fraktion.  Præsident Biden er lige nu i Asien og forsøger at gøre det samme. Kansler Scholz har for nylig rejst til Afrika, von der Leyen til Indien, alt sammen i et forsøg på at isolere Rusland og Kina, men det virker ikke: Fordi Indien, Indonesien, Brasilien, Egypten, Nigeria, Sydafrika og mange andre ikke ønsker at blive trukket ind i en geopolitisk konfrontation mellem de to parter.  Det, vi faktisk oplever, er en reel renæssance for Den alliancefrie Bevægelse.

Vi må ikke overse briternes rolle i lyset af den amerikanske politik, som er “Global Britain”, hvilket i virkeligheden er et nyt ord for det Britiske Imperium, som i modsætning til hvad mange tror, kun har ændret form, men ikke dets væsen. Tag f.eks. en artikel af Malcolm Chalmers, vicegeneraldirektør for Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), som i øvrigt er den ældste officielle tænketank med tilknytning til kongehuset og det britiske militær. De beskriver sig selv som “verdens ældste og førende britiske tænketank inden for forsvar og sikkerhed”.  De foreslår en “Cuba-krise på steroider”, som kunne blive resultatet af Ukraines forsøg på at generobre Krim, hvilket efter deres mening ville gøre det lettere at løse krigen mellem Ukraine og Rusland.  Dette er det forbløffende forslag i denne artikel, som har overskriften: “This War Still Presents Nuclear Risks – Especially in Relation to Crimea”, som blev offentliggjort den 20. maj af tænketanken RUSI. [https://rusi.org/explore-our-research/publications/commentary/war-still-presents-nuclear-risks-especially-relation-crimea]

Chalmers diskuterer, hvordan Rusland kunne blive tvunget ind i en nuklear konfrontation ved at sende stadig mere sofistikerede våben til Ukraine, som det i sidste ende ville trække sig tilbage fra. Chalmers beskriver NATO’s strategi i de sidste tre måneder som en strategi, der går ud på at “koge den russiske frø”. I husker alle billedet – ifølge historien, jeg tror ikke, at det faktisk er sandt – men ifølge historien, hvis man smider en frø i kogende vand, vil den hoppe ud; men hvis man lægger frøen i gryden, når vandet er koldt, og så langsomt øger temperaturen, ender frøen med at blive kogt, uden at den opdager det. Så han taler om at “koge den russiske frø” ved gradvist at øge “størrelsen og graden af raffinement af de våben, som de har været parate til at levere til Ukraine”. På grund af disse våben vil man “i den næste periode se Ukraine tilbagevinde de fleste af Ruslands seneste territoriale gevinster, herunder Kherson og endda Mariupol.” Det ville imidlertid ikke give anledning til en atomtrussel, og det ville heller ikke give Ukraine anledning til at bruge disse våben og territoriale vindinger til at ødelægge broer, jernbanehoveder, lagerpladser og luftbaser inde i Rusland. Men hvis Ukraine skulle forsøge at generobre Krim og angribe et “fristende mål”, f.eks. broen i Kertj, på nuværende tidspunkt, kunne det føre til en “Krim-missilkrise”, mener Chalmers. “En specifik trussel om at bruge atomvåben i forbindelse med Krim … kunne Putin se som en måde at genoprette noget af sin magtanvendelse på, selv om han (og USA) tvivlede på, om han ville gennemføre en sådan trussel…. Hvis en rød linje ikke blev accepteret af Ukraine, kunne Rusland så føle sig nødsaget til at overveje en række yderligere optrapningsmuligheder, såsom at sætte sine atomstyrker i højere beredskab.” De er allerede i beredskab. “Stillet over for alternativet med det sandsynlige tab af Krim, kunne Putin tro, at Ukraine (med USA’s opmuntring) sandsynligvis ville blinke først. Det ville være et øjeblik med ekstrem fare, hvor alle parter ville forsøge at forstå hinandens hensigter, selv om de søgte at varetage deres nationale interesser.

“Netop på grund af den fare der ligger i en sådan situation, kunne en atomkrise af denne art gøre det lettere for lederne at indgå vanskelige kompromiser. Forudsat at krigen blev afsluttet og blokaden af Odessa ophævet, kunne Ukraines ledere være villige til at udskyde en løsning af Krim-spørgsmålet. For Putin ville en mislykket invasion og den efterfølgende succes for den ukrainske modoffensiv have været en massiv ydmygelse. Men han ville i det mindste kunne argumentere for, at det russiske strategiske arsenals styrke på et tidspunkt med stor national svækkelse havde haft held til at afskrække NATO’s planer om at splitte Rusland op. Dette kunne være nok for begge parter til at undgå det værste resultat af alle.”

Jeg mener, at det er fuldstændig vanvittigt! At sige at man skal true med at generobre Krim og derefter sætte alle atomvåben i højeste alarmberedskab, og så kan vi sætte os ned og finde en løsning.  Så han kalder det en Krim-cubansk missilkrise på steroider.  

Denne politik med at “koge den russiske frø” er ikke begyndt for tre måneder siden, men det har været metoden siden 1990, da James Baker III den 9. februar 1990 lovede Gorbatjov, at NATO ikke ville bevæge sig en tomme mod øst. I hele Jeltsin-perioden var der en politik, der gik ud på at reducere den tidligere supermagt til en råstofeksporterende nation med Jeffrey Sachs’ “chokterapi”, og mellem 1991-1994 blev Ruslands industrielle potentiale reduceret til kun 30 %. Der findes en meget vigtig bog af Sergei Glazyev, som beskriver 1990’erne, med titlen {Folkemord: Rusland og den nye verdensorden}, fordi dette var hvad der blev pålagt Rusland på det tidspunkt. 

Putins forbrydelse er, at han forsøgte at omgøre dette og havde en vis succes med det.  Svaret var farverevolutioner, regimeskift, humanitære krige, som de 20 år i Afghanistan, hvor der som følge af NATO’s og USA’s forhastede tilbagetrækning i august nu er 24 millioner mennesker, der sulter i Afghanistan, udsat for COVID, mæslinger, polio, uden tilstrækkelig medicin.  Så hvis man havde haft en lige så omfattende tv-dækning af Afghanistan i 20 år, som vi ser det nu med Ukraine hver dag, ville verden måske have været lige så oprevet – eller, måske ikke, for afghanerne er ikke hvide.

Så havde vi Irak-krigen i 2003, hvor Nancy Pelosi offentligt indrømmede, at alle ansvarlige mennesker på forhånd vidste, at der ikke fandtes masseødelæggelsesvåben.  Der var Libyen.  Hillary Clinton måtte under Durham-undersøgelsen i USA indrømme, at hele grundlaget for Russiagate udelukkende var usandheder. Har man set noget om det i de etablerede medier?  Absolut ikke!  I hvert fald ikke i Europa.  Så var der Syrien.  Så var der Maidan-kuppet i 2014, som Victoria Nuland pralede med, og hvor Udenrigsministeriet brugte 5 mia. dollars på ngo’er, og, lad os ikke glemme, Azov-bataljonen, hvor medierne i Vesten nu siger, at der ikke er nogen nazister i Ukraine – men det er et dokumenteret faktum, at det er der.

Som et resultat af denne “kogning af den russiske frø” gennem næsten 30 år, krævede Putin den 15. december juridisk bindende sikkerhedsgarantier fra USA og NATO. Han har ikke modtaget noget svar fra USA eller NATO på de væsentligste krav, kun på våbenkontrol, men det var ikke essensen af det, han anmodede om. Lederen af det russiske sikkerhedsråd, Nikolaj Patrusjev, erklærede, at Rusland ikke havde nogen anden udvej, fordi Ruslands eksistens som stat var truet, da de foretog det, de kalder den “særlige militære operation” i Ukraine. Man kan absolut argumentere for, at Rusland var i en situation, i henhold til FN-pagtens artikel 51, som er et spørgsmål om selvforsvar og ikke om aggression.

Nu står vi over for den sjette udvidelse af NATO i forbindelse med Finland og Sverige.  Det er reaktionen, som Stoltenberg endda praler af.  Han siger: “Putin ville have mindre NATO, nu får han mere NATO.”  Så kogepunktet bliver bare øget.

Man må betragte denne vanvittige politik for at fremkalde en Krim-Cuba-krise sammen med en anden britisk politik, som blev afsløret i et dokument fra Henry Jackson Society i 2020, som de igen har anbragt på forsiden af Henry Jackson Societys hjemmeside, hvilket betyder, at det er den igangværende politik fra denne tænketank. Det er en rapport, der skitserer en strategi for at bruge den berygtede “Five Eyes”-alliance – Storbritannien, USA, Canada, Australien og New Zealand – som et instrument til at gennemtvinge Vestens afkobling fra Kina. Denne rabiate anti-russiske, anti-kinesiske neokonservative tænketank drives af den britiske efterretningstjeneste, bl.a. gennem den tidligere MI6-chef Sir Richard Dearlove, som er den primære hjerne bag Russiagate, der blev fuldstændig miskrediteret som en løgn, og han var en af stifterne af Henry Jackson Society og er en af dets ledere i dag. 

Så selv forsøget på at afkoble Kina fra det internationale system kunne, før det gennemføres, detonere en økonomisk atombombe over hele verdensøkonomien.  Kina er ikke blot verdens største handelsmagt: Det skaber i øjeblikket den højeste videnskabelige og teknologiske udviklingstakt på planeten, en produktiv kraft, som landene i udviklingssektoren og de sammenstyrtende vestlige nationer har hårdt brug for, hvis de vil overleve.  Men en egentlig atomkrig kan også blive resultatet, for en del af Henry Jackson Societys strategi er at opbygge forbindelser med Taiwan, der fører til dets adskillelse fra Kina.  Kina har gjort det helt klart, at det vil reagere med overvældende militær magt på ethvert forsøg på at adskille Taiwan fra resten af Kina. Dette er lige så farligt som et NATO-støttet Ukraine, der forsøger at generobre Krim. Så, præsident Biden begik den bommert i sit svar til en journalist på sin rejse til Japan for nylig, adspurgt: “Ville USA forsvare Taiwan militært?” Biden svarede igen: “Ja.” Og han måtte endnu en gang blive korrigeret af Det Hvide Hus.

Kineserne har allerede skrevet i deres lederartikler, at dette ikke er en “bommert”, men et signal om USA’s virkelige hensigt.  Og Chas Freeman, der var assisterende forsvarsminister for internationale sikkerhedsanliggender, og den officielle oversætter for præsident Nixon på hans rejse til Kina i 1972, samt en karrierediplomat, advarede og kaldte det en kolossal fejltagelse af Biden at have lavet en så tåbelig udmelding. 

Præsident Biden er i øjeblikket fortaler for netop disse britiske strategier på sin nuværende rejse til Asien. Lige efter at have fejret udvidelsen af NATO skal Biden afsløre en storslået økonomisk rammeaftale, Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) som højdepunkt på sin rejse under sit stop i Japan. Den nationale sikkerhedsrådgiver Jake Sullivan erklærede onsdag den 18. maj uden omsvøb, at budskabet i IPEF er, at “demokratier og åbne samfund i verden står sammen om at forme reglerne for fremtiden”. Vi tror, at dette budskab vil blive hørt overalt. Vi tror, at det vil blive hørt i Beijing.” 

52 amerikanske senatorer sendte Biden af sted på sin rejse med instrukser om, at Taiwan skulle indlemmes som et af de “lande”, der deltager i IPEF, hvilket helt klart ikke er acceptabelt set fra Kinas side, fordi det er en overtrædelse af Et-Kina-politikken.

Nu er der netop i dag, hvis man åbner medierne, hvis man ser på tv eller aviser, en kæmpestor skandalehistorie om billeder fra de påståede arbejdslejre i Xinjiang, der blev “undersøgt” af en gruppe internationale medier, hvor 1 million uighurer skulle være blevet tortureret, slået i arbejdslejre, tvangsarbejde osv.  Naturligvis udbrød vores såkaldte udenrigsminister, Annalena Baerbock (Tyskland), straks et ramaskrig og krævede en transparent afklaring af beskyldningerne. Opfordringer om at alle forbindelser med Kina skal afbrydes – efter at forbindelserne med Rusland er blevet afbrudt – og at al handel med Kina skal stoppes, lad os nu se realistisk på det: Kina var i 2021 den tredjestørste partner for EU’s vareeksport, 10,2 %, og den største partner for EU’s vareimport, 22,4 %; for Tyskland var Kina den største handelspartner for varer i 2021 med et handelsvolumen på over 245 mio. At skære ned på dette ville betyde totalt økonomisk selvmord, hvilket allerede er ved at ske med forbindelserne med Rusland. 

Hvad er kilden til denne utrolige historie?  Ifølge {Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung}, en af de førende aviser i Tyskland, er alle fotos og data blevet stillet til rådighed af Adrian Zenz, en tysk antropolog og mangeårig observatør af Xinjiang.  Nu hævder denne Adrian Zenz, at han har fået alt dette fra en “unavngiven kilde”, som havde adgang til cyber, cyberkrigsspionage og hvad ved jeg.  Det er en meget tvivlsom observation.  Men Adrian Zenz er ikke en ukendt person: Bloggen, The Grayzone, og de meget respekterede undersøgende journalister Ajit Singh og Max Blumenthal skrev allerede i 2019, efter at han var kommet med en lignende historie om folkemord i Xinjiang, artikler om, at Zenz er en “højreekstremistisk fundamentalistisk kristen, der er imod homoseksualitet og ligestilling mellem kønnene, støtter “bibelsk prygl”‘ af børn, og tror at han er “ledet af Gud” på en “mission” mod Kina.”, fordi dommedag er nær, og opkomsten af antikrist også er på vej.  Han er helt ude i hampen og siger, at der er folkemord i Xinjiang, på grund af et sammenbrud i uighurernes demografiske kurve, og Lyle Goldstein, der er professor ved Naval War College i USA, siger, at en sådan udtalelse er “latterlig i en sådan grad, at den er provokerende over for dem, der mistede slægtninge i Holocaust”. 

Der er rigeligt bevis for, at der ikke er tale om noget “demografisk sammenbrud” blandt uighurerne i Xinjiang: Tværtimod.  Der er en undersøgelse fra 2019 i det britiske medicinske tidsskrift {Lancet}, som omhandler en massiv forbedring af den forventede levealder blandt uighurerne, en demografisk vækstrate, som er meget højere end hos Han-kineserne, en forbedring af mødres sundhed, faldende børnedødelighed, og alt dette repræsenterer “en bemærkelsesværdig succeshistorie”.

Zenz’ såkaldte vidnesbyrd kommer fra eksil-uighurere, som er blevet kultiveret af det amerikanske udenrigsministerium. Zenz har været medlem af Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation i Washington, D.C., som er en højreorienteret lobbygruppe, der er affødt af National Captive Nations Committee.  Det er en meget, meget interessant forbindelse, for den blev grundlagt af den ukrainske nationalist Lev Dobriansky, som står i spidsen for denne institution, hvis medformand var Yaroslav Stetsko, som var leder af OUN-B-militsen, som er den nazistiske gruppe, der kæmpede sammen med de tyske nazister under besættelsen af Ukraine under Anden Verdenskrig.  Stetsko og hans kone havde en bopæl i München i hele efterkrigstiden og ledede derfra den “Anti-bolsjevikiske Blok af nationer”. Efter hans død rejste fru Stetsko til Ukraine og genopbyggede OUN-B, Bandera-organisationen, i traditionen fra Stepan Banderas ideer.  Se, det er nu en direkte forbindelse til dette apparat, som var stærkt ledet af de vestlige efterretningstjenester – Bandera selv blev medlem af MI6 i 1947, og BND i München havde et tæt, i det mindste “kendskab” til disse mennesker (for at sige det mildt).

Zenz blev også indsat af Jamestown Foundation, en neokonservativ tænketank i Washington D.C., der blev grundlagt af CIA-direktør William Casey, som en kanal for udenrigsministeriel til at betale sovjetiske dissidenter.  

Hvis Tyskland eller andre europæiske nationer falder for denne efterretningsoperation, som er præcis det, som Henry Jackson Society talte om, nemlig “Five Eyes” på arbejde, hvis de følger dette, vil det være et totalt økonomisk selvmord. Nu er selv Henry Kissinger i en alder af 99 år mere fornuftig, og i Davos udtalte han, at verden højst har et tidsrum på to måneder til at afslutte krigen i Ukraine gennem forhandlinger, og han appellerede til Ukraine om at gå med til et territorialt kompromis for at opnå fred.

På Schiller Instituttets konference den 9. april præsenterede vi en helt anden tilgang: Der er et alternativ til den fuldstændige afkobling mellem de såkaldte “demokratier” og det Globale Syd på den anden side.  Det nye system er allerede ved hastigt at udvikles. Der er mange lande, som på det nylige udenrigsministermøde i BRICS, ønsker at være en del af dette: Argentina, Indonesien, Egypten, Nigeria og mange andre.  Vi har BRICS i udvidet form, vi har Shanghai-samarbejdsorganisationen (SCO), næsten alle organisationer i det Globale Syd, som ønsker at blive en del af en ny international sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur, som grundlæggende er en kombination af det kinesiske Bælte- og Vej-Initiativ samt to andre forslag fra præsident Xi Jinping: Det Globale Udviklings Initiativ og det Globale Sikkerheds Initiativ, som aktivt er ved at blive gennemført.  

Nu har vi behov for en sådan konference om en ny international sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur i traditionen fra Den Westfalske Fred.  Den Westfalske Fred var en erkendelse fra alle krigens parter om, at hvis de fortsatte krigen, ville ingen være tilbage til at nyde sejren, fordi de alle ville være døde.  Derfor udviklede de princippet om, at enhver fred skal være baseret på den andens interesser. Sikkerhedsinteresserne for alle lande på planeten, hvilket i dag ville betyde en sikkerhedsarkitektur, der i høj grad inddrager Rusland og Kina. En sådan konference skal adressere årsagerne til så stor en krigsfare: For det er ikke nok på nuværende tidspunkt at være imod krigen.  Man er nødt til at løse det problem, at det neoliberale finanssystems sammenbrud er i gang.

Lyndon LaRouche har den usædvanlige fortjeneste, at han forudså det, der sker i dag, den nuværende krise, allerede i august 1971, da Nixon afsluttede det gamle Bretton Woods-system, ved at erstatte systemet med faste valutakurser med et system med flydende valutakurser, og LaRouche forudsagde dengang, at hvis man fortsatte på den vej, ville det føre til en ny depression, fare for en ny krig og fascisme.  Det er præcis, hvor vi er i dag.

LaRouche foreslog fire love til at løse krisen. Det første skridt, et globalt Glass-Steagall-bankopdelingssystem, skal gøre en ende på kasinoøkonomien.  Der skal være kapital- og valutakontrol for at forhindre den spekulative manipulation af valutaer, som vi lige nu ser i store dele af verden.

Hvert land skal have en nationalbank for atter at gøre skabelse af kredit til et anliggende for den suveræne regering i Alexander Hamiltons tradition og ikke for private bankfolk. Derefter skal disse nationalbanker være forbundet gennem et kreditsystem, som giver langsigtet kredit med lav rente til reelle investeringer i den fysiske økonomi.

Den fjerde lov består af, at vi skal have et forceret program for fusionsteknologi, som i den seneste periode har gjort utrolige fremskridt, og den kommercielle anvendelse af den er umiddelbart forestående.  Vi har brug for en massiv forøgelse af verdensøkonomiens produktivitet, for alene det faktum, at 1,7 milliarder mennesker er truet af sult, at 2 milliarder mennesker ikke har rent vand, er beviset på, at det nuværende produktivitetsniveau er faldet langt under det niveau, der er nødvendigt for at opretholde den nuværende befolkning i verden på 8 milliarder mennesker.  

Der skal være et internationalt samarbejde, ikke kun om fusionsteknologi, men også om rumteknologi og rumfart, for det udgør den videnskabelige og teknologiske spydspids i dag.

Vi står lige nu over for en situation, hvor de førende regeringer og institutioner er udfordret:  Er vi i stand til at løse verdens problemer, er vi i stand til at løse de problemer, der truer menneskehedens eksistens, eller er vi ikke i stand til at løse dem?  Schiller Instituttet har i mere end 30 år foreslået først Den Eurasiske Landbro, Den Nye Silkevej, og i 2013 foreslog vi “Den Nye Silkevej bliver til Verdenslandbroen”. Vis venligst diasbilledet: Dette er en plan for, hvordan vi kan overvinde verdens fattigdom, hvordan vi kan udrydde underudvikling for altid, og hvordan vi kan skabe et nyt, moderne globalt sundhedssystem for alle lande i verden, hvilket er den eneste måde, hvorpå vi kan overvinde gamle og nye sygdomme, denne pandemi og truende nye pandemier. 

Det er bestemt muligt, og det er visionen om, hvordan verden vil se ud om nogle få år, hvis vi i øvrigt undgår den nuværende fare for atomkrig.  Udviklingen af infrastruktur, der forbinder alle kontinenter, er den naturlige måde, hvorpå infrastrukturudviklingen vil fortsætte, forudsat at der er fred. Jeg mener, at det er noget, vi skal sætte på dagsordenen til diskussion, og grunden til, at man trods den utrolige fare kan være optimistisk, er, at vi er den menneskelige art, vi er i stand til at ræssonere, og vi er ikke barbarer.

Mange tak.

Rasmussen: OK, we have 10 minutes now questions to Helga. We have a question from Jens Jørgen Nielsen, one of our speakers.

Jens Jørgen Nielsen: Thank you for a very good presentation. I essentially agree with you. I have one question. As you may know, I live in Denmark, where we will have a referendum in a week’s time, about the European Union: We are discussing in our country for the time being, the role of the European Union and whether it should have an army, how should we have security. I would like a few words: How do you think about the European Union in this context? Because I am somehow skeptical, but I would like to hear your opinion on the European Union and the development right now of the European Union in this context? And also specifically the question of the European military arm, which is the subject of referendum? And the policy toward Ukraine and Russia?

Zepp-LaRouche: When there was a referendum about the EU Constitution in France and Holland 2005, which was defeated, because the majority voted against it. And then they shifted it to the Lisbon Treaty, because by not calling it a “constitution” but by calling it a “treaty,” it did not require a vote. So this was decided in great secrecy, but we were extremely closely watching it at the time. And if you look at the Charter of the EU as it was agreed upon in Lisbon in December 2007, it is practically interwoven with NATO, in such a degree that the Article 5 of NATO practically also involves the EU. In other words, when you join the EU, you are practically also part of whatever NATO does. And the character of NATO has also dramatically changed, in the last 30 years, after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

In the time of the Soviet Union, it was a defensive apparatus against the Warsaw Pact. But in the recent period, it has turned into a completely anti-Russian Russophobe alliance, and therefore, when, in November 2013, when the Ukraine government under Viktor Yanukovych refused to join the EU Association Agreement, it was clear that if Ukraine would join the EU, it would give NATO access to the Black Sea, and that is why he opted out in the last moment.

So, I think that that is an important thing to keep in mind. And the fact that Ursula von der Leyen is at the forefront of all of the policies which I described as British, in my various examples, such as the fight of so-called democracies and so-called autocratic regimes, when she is talking about that every day: She went to India talking like that.

I think the present EU has completely lost touch with the interest of its member-states. I think they have become a gigantic waterhead of a bureaucracy in Brussels which makes for the most part completely ridiculous decisions and orders and rules which are absolutely contrary to the interest of the member countries. And I actually have called for Germany to move out of the EU, because we don’t need a bureaucracy to have a unified Europe! We could have a Europe of the Fatherlands, in the spirit of Charles de Gaulle! We could work together for a join mission to contribute to shaping a new world order in a positive way: We could do that by having national sovereign governments just working together. You don’t need this bureaucracy. That is my view, and I would just advise anybody who has an interest in their own sovereignty to not join this colossus.

Rasmussen: Elena, why don’t you ask your question now?

Elena: Thank you so much. I find everything that Madam Helga said very, very interesting. And of course, at the moment, as I am very interested in the situation between Ukraine and Russia, my optimistic feeling is that Russia is going to come to a solution with Ukraine. Because as I have heard today, Putin has been somehow winning in the territories. So most likely something good will happen.

However, I think what Madam said is so beautiful, I would like to have something to read if possible. Because my connection was not very good, and I was not able to hear well. However, I would be very grateful if Madam could let me have what she said in a written form, that I can read and study. And I can write an article about what she has said, what are the goals of this new architecture and let other people to know about it.

Rasmussen: Elena we will have a transcript of Helga’s comments, and we can send those to you and all the participants. And also the video of this conference will be available to send around.

We have one more questioner, Kwame. We can take a short question.

Kwame: I’m a Swede. Thank you for a nice presentation. My question, because I don’t know: Would you say that China is united and in full control of the Chinese Communist Party? Or, are there some Chinese oligarchs that have good connections with their American counterparts? As for they send some money into the [inaud 51:09] laboratory, maybe to somehow get them connected to the globalists in the Western hemisphere. So, my question is, does the Chinese Communist Party have full control of the country?

Zepp-LaRouche: I would say, absolutely yes. And I just should say something, because right now, when you say “Communist,” some people fall completely into a coma and have hysterical outbursts. I mean, the Communist Party of China is, in my view—and I don’t even think that they would agree with that—but I think they’re 90% Confucian, in the tradition of the ancient Chinese traditions and philosophy, which influenced Chinese policy for more than two millennia. And naturally, there is an element of Marxism and communism, but it’s a meritocracy.

The way people look at the CPC in the West is completely uninformed, and I can only—my best way of answering is that I was in China for the first time, in 1971, in the middle of the Cultural Revolution, and I could travel around in Shanghai, Tientsin, Qingdao, Beijing, I could visit the countryside: And I saw a country which was really distraught! People were poor, the conditions were very terrible. The beautiful garden of the Summer Palace had been painted all red by the Revolutionary Guards. In any case, this was 51 years ago, and when you go to China now, it is so developed! They have 40,000 km of fast train system, of which nobody in the United States or Europe can even dream, because we have nothing like that! China has made an incredible development: 850 million people have been lifted out of poverty. And I could say many, many more things.

Deng Xiaoping coined the term “judging truth from facts.” And if you look at the facts of the gigantic development of China in the last 40 years, in particular, then this Communist Party has done something right. And if you travel to China, and study Chinese history, and meet people in all ranks of life, professors, students, people living in the countryside, other professions, you go to restaurants, and you see how people live, you find a population which is primarily content. They’re optimistic: They’re not like the Europeans and they’re for sure not like the Germans, who are completely pessimistic, and think nothing can function and you can’t do anything anyway. No. That is not the view in China. They are optimistic; they have, to a very large extent, trust in the government. And I think that the Chinese model, which the West is now regarding as a big competitor and threat, the Chinese model is doing something right, which the West is not doing right! And rather than opposing it, we should go to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, and say: We should respect each other, even if the other one has a different social system, and even if the other one has a different way of doing things, according to their history, and their tradition. And I think then, we can absolutely peacefully live together. And that is my stated view, and I think all the slanders about China are really absolutely unfounded, and in particular, this present campaign by this very dubious Adrian Zenz, we should squash before it really takes hold.

Rasmussen: All right, thank you very much Helga! We really appreciate your very in-depth discussion.




Et nyt paradigme er i sin vorden – vil vi komme til at opleve det?

Nikolay Patrushev, sekretær for Ruslands Sikkerhedsråd, siger, at den krigs- og dominerende trang, som de angloamerikanske eliter udviser i dag, ikke er noget nyt: “Angelsaksernes tankegang har ikke ændret sig i århundreder. I disse dage bliver de ved med at diktere deres betingelser til verden, idet de arrogant ignorerer landenes suveræne rettigheder”. Mens eliterne i City of London og Wall Street “skjuler deres handlinger bag retorikken om menneskerettigheder, frihed og demokrati”, er effekten at frembringe økonomiske kriser og tvinge millioner af mennesker til at sulte ved at begrænse adgangen til korn, gødning og energiressourcer. Disse eliter “fremmer doktrinen om den “gyldne milliard”, som indebærer, at kun nogle få udvalgte har ret til velstand i denne verden”, forklarede den russiske leder. “Alle andres lod er at slide for deres velbefindende.”

Og for dem i verden, der har suverænitet og evne til at nægte et sådant slid, til at gå en anden vej, er der højlydte ord og en pisk med atomvåben.

Den tidligere amerikanske ambassadør og førende Kina-ekspert, Chas Freeman, har kritiseret Biden for hans udtalelse om, at USA ville forsvare Taiwan med magt, i tilfælde af at Beijing besluttede sig for at gå militært til værks mod øen. “Kineserne kan ikke ignorere denne udtalelse, som er værre end en fejltagelse, fordi den giver Kina et casus belli,” udtalte han. “Det er fjerde gang i år, at Det Hvide Hus har forsøgt at trække udtalelser tilbage fra præsidenten, der forpligter USA til at gå i krig imod Kina om Taiwan. Sådanne tilbagetrækninger har nul troværdighed i Beijing, ikke mindst fordi de er et ekko af en tilsyneladende konsensus i Washingtons embedsværk, som afspejles i forsvarsbudgetter og beslutninger om styrkestruktur.”

I en tale på World Economic Forum advarede Henry Kissinger, der fylder 99 år på fredag, om, at Ukraine-konflikten kan “omforme verden, som vi kender den … vi kan komme ind i et tomrum, hvor … Rusland er fuldstændig isoleret.” Rusland har været en del af Europa i 400 år, mindede han publikum om, og han udtrykte sin bekymring for, at Rusland kunne blive drevet ind i en alliance med Kina. Måske skulle nogen fortælle Sir Henry – det skib er allerede sejlet!

I den seneste manifestation af de voksende bånd mellem Rusland og Kina, som de to lande markerede i deres aftale af 4. februar, erklærede den russiske udenrigsminister Sergej Lavrov mandag: “Nu hvor Vesten indtager diktatorens position, vil vores økonomiske bånd med Kina vokse endnu hurtigere”. Faktisk vil angrebet af sanktioner mod Rusland give “mulighed for at gennemføre planer for udvikling af Fjernøsten og det østlige Sibirien”. Størstedelen af projekterne med Kina er koncentreret der. Det er en mulighed for os til at realisere vores potentiale inden for højteknologi, herunder kerneenergi, men også på en række andre områder.”

Tirsdag meddelte talsmand for det kinesiske udenrigsministerium, Wang Wenbin, at “Kina sætter pris på udenrigsminister Lavrovs udtalelser… at forbindelserne mellem Kina og Rusland har bestået den nye afprøvning af det skiftende internationale landskab og fortsat bevæger sig fremad i den rigtige retning.” Landenes samarbejde er “ikke rettet mod nogen tredjepart og vil ikke blive påvirket af andre”. De to vil “fortsat være forpligtet til at fremme en multipolær verden og øget demokrati i internationale relationer, opretholde ægte multilateralisme og modsætte sig hegemonisk adfærd og blokkonfrontation i internationale relationer.”

Et nyt paradigme er ved at opstå!

Økonomiske trusler fra Vesten kan ikke forhindre det. Forsøg på at få verden til at begå selvmord under dække af at bekæmpe klimaforandringerne vil ikke lykkes. Den voksende fødevarekrise vil være et kraftigt (om end potentielt smertefuldt) slag mod den onde grønne ideologi. Eksplosive inflationsrater, omfattende afbrydelser af forsyningskæder og leverancer – det er udtryk for en beslutning, der først blev truffet for årtier siden og gentagne gange er blevet ratificeret igen, om at vende verdens førende institutioner væk fra det antikoloniale udviklingsperspektiv, som Franklin Roosevelt forestillede sig ved afslutningen af Anden Verdenskrig. Men denne unipolære verdens magt er brudt sammen.

Kun en atomkrig kunne garantere en afsporing af fremtidens store potentiale. Og det er netop den retning, som det anglo-amerikanske/NATO-etablissement påtvinger verden gennem uendelige angreb på Rusland og Kina, herunder Sveriges og Finlands meddelelse i sidste uge om, at de også vil ansøge om at blive medlemmer af NATO.

Er det for sent for Storbritannien/USA/NATO at fjerne fingeren fra aftrækkeren, trække hovedet ud af røven og samarbejde fornuftigt med Rusland, Kina, Indien og andre store nationer for at udrydde fattigdom fra kloden, indlede en renæssance inden for infrastruktur og videnskabelig udvikling og lukke døren for altid for geopolitik?

Vil du gøre noget for at afgøre svaret på dette spørgsmål?

I dag, den 25. maj, er Schiller Instituttet i Danmark og Sverige sammen værter for et arrangement, der starter kl. 7:30 EDT / 13:30 CEST med titlen: “Hvorfor Finland og Sverige ikke bør tilslutte sig NATO”.

Torsdag den 26. maj deltager et kraftfuldt panel af forstandige militær- og efterretningsledere i et arrangement i Schiller Instituttet med titlen “Amerikanske og europæiske militær- og sikkerhedseksperter advarer: Politikernes vanvid truer med atomkrig”. Arrangementet starter kl. 11.00 Eastern / 17:00 CEST.

Invitationer og tilmelding er muligt på Schiller Instituttets websted.




POLITISK ORIENTERING den 17. maj 2022:
Meld dig til vores sikkerheds videokonference fra Danmark og Sverige den 25. maj kl. 13.30-16.30

Med formand Tom Gillesberg.

Videokonference invitation:

Invitation til at deltage i et gratis internationalt onlineseminar arrangeret af

Schiller Instituttet i Danmark og Sverige:  

Vi behøver en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur

for alle nationer, 

ikke en styrkelse af geopolitiske blokke
 
Schiller Instituttet anbefaler:
 
NEJ ved den danske folkeafstemning den 1. juni om afskaffelse af EU’s forsvarsforbehold
NEJ til Sveriges og Finlands optagelse i NATO 
 
Dato: Onsdag den 25. maj 2022
 
Tid: 13:30-16:30 dansk tid (CEST)
 
Online via Zoom
 
Gratis adgang
 
Seminaret vil blive afholdt på engelsk.
 
Tilmeldelse kan ske til si@schillerinstitut.dk, +45 53 57 00 51
 
På seminaret hos Schiller Instituttet vil følgende emner blive drøftet:
 
* Hvad er årsagen til den nuværende ekstremt farlige militære og økonomiske krise?
 
* Hvorfor en styrkelse af EU’s militære enhed med dansk deltagelse og Sveriges og Finlands optagelse i NATO blot vil forværre de geopolitiske konflikter.
 
* Hvilke principper kan vi anvende til at skabe en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur til gavn for alle nationer og befolkninger?
 
Program:
 
* Verden har brug for en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur.

Helga Zepp-LaRouche, Schiller Instituttets stifter og internationale præsident.
 
* Baggrunden for krigen mellem Ukraine-NATO og Rusland.

Jens Jørgen Nielsen, uddannet i idé- og kommunikationshistorie, Moskva-korrespondent for det dagbladet Politiken i slutningen af 1990’erne, forfatter til flere bøger om Rusland og Ukraine, leder af organisationen Russisk-Dansk Dialog og lektor i kommunikation og kulturforskelle ved Niels Brock Handelshøjskole i København.
 
* Hvorfor vi har brug for en ny sikkerhedsarkitektur?

Jan Øberg, ph.d., freds- og fremtidsforsker og kunstfotograf, ph.d. i sociologi, gæsteprofessor i freds- og konfliktstudier i Japan, Spanien, Østrig og Schweiz, medstifter og direktør for det uafhængige TFF, Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research, i Lund, Sverige, og forfatter.
 
* Den kinesiske præsident Xi Jinpings forslag af 21. april 2022 om en ny international sikkerhedsarkitektur.
 
Professor Li Xing, ph.d., professor i udvikling og internationale relationer ved Institut for Politik og Samfund, Det Humanistiske og Samfundsvidenskabelige Fakultet, Aalborg Universitet, og forfatter.
 
* Hvorfor Danmark bør afstå fra et intensiveret geopolitisk militært engagement.
 
Tom Gillesberg, formand, Schiller Instituttet i Danmark
 
* Hvorfor Sverige og Finland ikke bør tilslutte sig NATO.
 
Ulf Sandmark, formand, Schiller Instituttet i Sverige
 
Information: si@schillerinstitut.dk. +45 53 57 00 51

———————

Som baggrund er her uddrag af en tale, som Helga Zepp-LaRouche, grundlæggeren og præsidenten for Schiller Instituttet, holdt på en online-konference med unge den 7. maj 2022. Hele talen kan læses nedenunder.

 

“Vi faktisk befinder os i et utroligt farligt øjeblik. Men der er også håb…. Det er kun muligt, hvis vi overvinder idéen om geopolitik.

Geopolitik er den idé, at der altid vil være en blok af nationer eller en nation, som vil definere eller er nødt til at definere sine interesser over for en anden blok af nationer, og at der altid vil være en dødbringende kontrovers, hvor enten den ene eller den anden vinder, og det hele vil være et nulsumsspil. Det er netop hvad der må og kan overvindes.

Det vi skal gøre er at etablere en international orden, hvor det princip, som denne orden grundlæggende er baseret på, er tanken om, at hver nation har ret til, og mulighed for, at udvikle alle deres borgeres potentialer. Vi befinder os i en situation, hvor vi har brug for en systemisk ændring: En fuldstændig fornyelse af systemet. Grunden til, at jeg nævner dette, er, at situationen er meget presserende.

Flere og flere analytikere og eksperter er enige om, at faren for Tredje Verdenskrig er akut, at situationen er farligere end på højdepunktet af Den kolde Krig….

Så vi er et hårsbred fra den menneskelige civilisations udslettelse…. Hvis den nuværende politik fortsættes, kan denne verden nemlig ende meget pludseligt om få minutter, om få dage, uger eller måneder, og krigen i Ukraine er naturligvis et brændpunkt. Men hele denne krise handler ikke om Ukraine. Den handler om, hvilken slags verdensorden der skal eksistere: Skal det være en unipolær verden, domineret af en eller to nationer? Skal det være en “regelbaseret orden”, hvor en lille klub af nationer udstikker reglerne? Eller skal den være multipolær, og skal den være baseret på folkeretten, som den er udtrykt i FN-pagten?…

Jeg tror, at det er det, der er udgangspunktet: Kun hvis man gør det klart for sig selv, at atomkrig mellem de to største atommagter, USA og Rusland, betyder udslettelse af menneskeheden, og derefter mobiliserer for, at krigen skal stoppe, og kæmper for et alternativ, som skal starte med tanken om, at krigen skal stoppe; diplomati og forhandlinger skal straks starte for at finde en løsning, der er acceptabel for alle parter….

Nu skal vi gøre os klart, og det er holdningen hos alle, der arbejder med Schiller Instituttet, at krig ikke kan være en metode til konfliktløsning i en tid med atomvåben; og jeg siger ikke, at denne krig skulle have fundet sted, men man er nødt til at forstå årsagerne til, at den fandt sted.”

Som Helga Zepp-LaRouche sagde, “Det hele startede i forbindelse med den tyske genforening, da Berlinmuren faldt, og den amerikanske udenrigsminister James Baker III lovede Gorbatjov, at NATO ikke ville flytte sig en tomme mod øst.

En pensioneret tysk general ved navn Harald Kujat, som havde været formand for NATO’s militærkomité i 2002-2005, har netop givet et interview til et tysk tidsskrift, hvori han sagde, at hovedvægten ikke længere ligger på at beskytte og bistå Ukraine i dets forsvarskamp mod et russisk angreb, hvilket er i strid med folkeretten, men på at svække Rusland som strategisk rival på lang sigt….” 

[Nationer med] 2,2 milliarder mennesker, de nægter alle at blive trukket ind i en geopolitisk konfrontation mellem USA og NATO på den ene side og Rusland og Kina på den anden side.

Samtlige af disse lande holder fast ved idéen om alliancefrihed, og det tror jeg er nøglen til fred lige nu. Fordi principperne for den alliancefri bevægelse, som var principperne i FN-pagten, Bandung-konferencen, de fem principper for fredelig sameksistens, som er suverænitet, ikke-indblanding i det andet lands indre anliggender, accept af det andet samfundssystem….

Jeg mener, at vi i traditionen fra Den Westfalske Fred, som afsluttede 150 års krig i Europa, har brug for en sikkerhedsarkitektur, som først og fremmest tager hensyn til udviklingslandenes interesser; der skal ske en forøgelse af levestandarden for hvert enkelt individ, både i Europa, USA, Rusland og Kina. Jeg mener, at det er afgørende for, om menneskeheden kan overleve. Det betyder, at vi har brug for et nyt paradigme i vores tænkning, nemlig idéen om, at hver nation har ret til at udvikle sit fulde potentiale. Hvert barn, alle børn, der fødes, uanset i hvilken nation i verden, har ret til at udvikle sit fulde potentiale, hvilket betyder, at det skal have en universel uddannelse….

Vi har aldrig været på et vigtigere tidspunkt i historien, og farerne har aldrig været så store, men potentialet for at skabe en helt ny verden har aldrig været så tæt på: At gøre en ende på kolonialismen, at skabe en økonomi baseret på termonuklear fusion, hvilket ville betyde, at vi har energi og råstof sikkerhed for alle nationer, at vi kan få et internationalt samarbejde om udnyttelse af rummet, at menneskeheden bliver voksen, og at geopolitiske krige bliver et spørgsmål fra fortiden.”

Vi håber inderligt, at du vil have mulighed for at deltage i denne vigtige begivenhed, og at du vil dele denne invitation og opfordre andre mennesker til at deltage. 

Hjemmesider:

Danish: Schiller Instituttet

Swedish: Schillerinstitutet

English: The Schiller Institute | A New Paradigm for the Survival of Civilization 




Schiller Institutterne i Danmark og Sverige holdte en videokonference den 25. maj:
Vi har brug for en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur for alle nationer,
ikke en styrkelse af geopolitiske blokke.
Vi anbefaler NEJ til at afskaffe EU forsvarsforbeholdet og NEJ til svensk/finsk NATO medlemskab.

Invitation til at deltage i et
gratis internationalt onlineseminar arrangeret af
Schiller Instituttet i Danmark og Sverige:  

Vi behøver en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur

for alle nationer, 
ikke en styrkelse af geopolitiske blokke
 
Schiller Instituttet anbefaler:
 
NEJ ved den danske folkeafstemning den 1. juni om afskaffelse af EU’s forsvarsforbehold
NEJ til Sveriges og Finlands optagelse i NATO 
 
Dato: Onsdag den 25. maj 2022
 
Tid: 13:30-16:30 dansk tid (CEST)
 
Online via Zoom
 
Gratis adgang
 
Seminaret vil blive afholdt på engelsk.
 
Tilmeldelse kan ske til si@schillerinstitut.dk, 53 57 00 51
 
På seminaret hos Schiller Instituttet vil følgende emner blive drøftet:
 
* Hvad er årsagen til den nuværende ekstremt farlige militære og økonomiske krise?
 
* Hvorfor en styrkelse af EU’s militære enhed med dansk deltagelse og Sveriges og Finlands optagelse i NATO blot vil forværre de geopolitiske konflikter.
 
* Hvilke principper kan vi anvende til at skabe en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur til gavn for alle nationer og befolkninger?
 
Program:
 
* Verden har brug for en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur. 
Helga Zepp-LaRouche, Schiller Instituttets stifter og internationale præsident.
dansk oversættelse

 
* Baggrunden for krigen mellem Ukraine-NATO og Rusland.
Jens Jørgen Nielsen, uddannet i idé- og kommunikationshistorie, Moskva-korrespondent for det dagbladet Politiken i slutningen af 1990’erne, forfatter til flere bøger om Rusland og Ukraine, leder af organisationen Russisk-Dansk Dialog og lektor i kommunikation og kulturforskelle ved Niels Brock Handelshøjskole i København.
afskrift på engelsk
dansk oversættelse

 
* Hvorfor vi har brug for en ny sikkerhedsarkitektur? 

Jan Øberg, ph.d., freds- og fremtidsforsker og kunstfotograf, ph.d. i sociologi, gæsteprofessor i freds- og konfliktstudier i Japan, Spanien, Østrig og Schweiz, medstifter og direktør for det uafhængige TFF, Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research, i Lund, Sverige, og forfatter.
dansk oversættelse

 
* Kinesiske forslag til en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur: Xi Jinpings forslag fra april om en ny international sikkerhedsarkitektur, Bælte- og Vej-Initiativet og det globale udviklingsinitiativ.
Li Xing, ph.d.,
professor i udvikling og internationale relationer ved Institut for Politik og Samfund, Det Humanistiske og Samfundsvidenskabelige Fakultet, Aalborg Universitet, og forfatter.
dansk oversættelse
transcript in English
  
* Hvorfor Danmark bør afstå fra et intensiveret geopolitisk militært engagement. 
Michelle Rasmussen, næstformand, Schiller Instituttet i Danmark
dansk oversættelse 

 
* Hvorfor Sverige og Finland ikke bør tilslutte sig NATO. 
Ulf Sandmark, formand, Schiller Instituttet i Sverige
afskrift på engelsk

 
Information: si@schillerinstitut.dk. +45 53 57 00 51 

———————
 
Som baggrund er her uddrag af en tale, som Helga Zepp-LaRouche, grundlæggeren og præsidenten for Schiller Instituttet, holdt på en online-konference med unge den 7. maj 2022. Hele talen kan læses nedenunder.
 

“Vi befinder os faktisk  i et utroligt farligt øjeblik. Men der er også håb…. Det er kun muligt, hvis vi overvinder idéen om geopolitik.

Geopolitik er den idé, at der altid vil være en blok af nationer eller en nation, som vil definere eller er nødt til at definere sine interesser over for en anden blok af nationer, og at der altid vil være en dødbringende kontrovers, hvor enten den ene eller den anden vinder, og det hele vil være et nulsumsspil. Det er netop hvad der må og kan overvindes.

Det vi skal gøre er at etablere en international orden, hvor det princip, som denne orden grundlæggende er baseret på, er tanken om, at hver nation har ret til, og mulighed for, at udvikle alle deres borgeres potentialer. Vi befinder os i en situation, hvor vi har brug for en systemisk ændring: En fuldstændig fornyelse af systemet. Grunden til, at jeg nævner dette, er, at situationen er meget presserende.

Flere og flere analytikere og eksperter er enige om, at faren for Tredje Verdenskrig er akut, at situationen er farligere end på højdepunktet af Den kolde Krig….

Så vi er et hårsbredde fra den menneskelige civilisations udslettelse…. Hvis den nuværende politik fortsættes, kan denne verden nemlig ende meget pludseligt om få minutter, om få dage, uger eller måneder, og krigen i Ukraine er naturligvis et brændpunkt. Men hele denne krise handler ikke om Ukraine. Den handler om, hvilken slags verdensorden der skal eksistere: Skal det være en unipolær verden, domineret af en eller to nationer? Skal det være en “regelbaseret orden”, hvor en lille klub af nationer udstikker reglerne? Eller skal den være multipolær, og skal den være baseret på folkeretten, som den er udtrykt i FN-pagten?…

Jeg tror, at det er det, der er udgangspunktet: Kun hvis man gør det klart for sig selv, at atomkrig mellem de to største atommagter, USA og Rusland, betyder udslettelse af menneskeheden, og derefter mobiliserer for, at krigen skal stoppe, og kæmper for et alternativ, som skal starte med tanken om, at krigen skal stoppe; diplomati og forhandlinger skal straks starte for at finde en løsning, der er acceptabel for alle parter….

Nu skal vi gøre os klart, og det er holdningen hos alle, der arbejder med Schiller Instituttet, at krig ikke kan være en metode til konfliktløsning i en tid med atomvåben; og jeg siger ikke, at denne krig skulle have fundet sted, men man er nødt til at forstå årsagerne til, at den fandt sted.”

Som Helga Zepp-LaRouche sagde, “Det hele startede i forbindelse med den tyske genforening, da Berlinmuren faldt, og den amerikanske udenrigsminister James Baker III lovede Gorbatjov, at NATO ikke ville flytte sig en tomme mod øst.

En pensioneret tysk general ved navn Harald Kujat, som havde været formand for NATO’s militærkomité i 2002-2005, har netop givet et interview til et tysk tidsskrift, hvori han sagde, at hovedvægten ikke længere ligger på at beskytte og bistå Ukraine i dets forsvarskamp mod et russisk angreb, hvilket er i strid med folkeretten, men på at svække Rusland som strategisk rival på lang sigt….” 

[Nationer med] 2,2 milliarder mennesker, de nægter alle at blive trukket ind i en geopolitisk konfrontation mellem USA og NATO på den ene side og Rusland og Kina på den anden side.

Samtlige af disse lande holder fast ved idéen om alliancefrihed, og det tror jeg er nøglen til fred lige nu. Fordi principperne for den alliancefri bevægelse, som var principperne i FN-pagten, Bandung-konferencen, de fem principper for fredelig sameksistens, som er suverænitet, ikke-indblanding i det andet lands indre anliggender, accept af det andet samfundssystem….

Jeg mener, at vi i traditionen fra Den Westfalske Fred, som afsluttede 150 års krig i Europa, har brug for en sikkerhedsarkitektur, som først og fremmest tager hensyn til udviklingslandenes interesser; der skal ske en forøgelse af levestandarden for hvert enkelt individ, både i Europa, USA, Rusland og Kina. Jeg mener, at det er afgørende for, om menneskeheden kan overleve. Det betyder, at vi har brug for et nyt paradigme i vores tænkning, nemlig idéen om, at hver nation har ret til at udvikle sit fulde potentiale. Hvert barn, alle børn, der fødes, uanset i hvilken nation i verden, har ret til at udvikle sit fulde potentiale, hvilket betyder, at det skal have en universel uddannelse….

Vi har aldrig været på et vigtigere tidspunkt i historien, og farerne har aldrig været så store, men potentialet for at skabe en helt ny verden har aldrig været så tæt på: At gøre en ende på kolonialismen, at skabe en økonomi baseret på termonuklear fusion, hvilket ville betyde, at vi har energi og råstof sikkerhed for alle nationer, at vi kan få et internationalt samarbejde om udnyttelse af rummet, at menneskeheden bliver voksen, og at geopolitiske krige bliver et spørgsmål fra fortiden.”

Vi håber inderligt, at du vil have mulighed for at deltage i denne vigtige begivenhed, og at du vil dele denne invitation og opfordre andre mennesker til at deltage. 

Hjemmesider:

Danish: Schiller Instituttet

Swedish: Schillerinstitutet

English: The Schiller Institute | A New Paradigm for the Survival of Civilization 

——————————–
English:

Invitation to a free international online seminar by

the Schiller Institutes in Denmark and Sweden:

We need a new security and

development architecture for all nations,

not a strengthening of geopolitical blocks

The Schiller Institute recommends:

NO in the Danish June 1 referendum about abolishing the EU Defense opt-out, and

NO to Sweden and Finland joining NATO

Date: Wednesday May 25, 2022

Time: 13:30-16:30 CEST

Online via Zoom

Free admission

The seminar will be held in English.

Please register here: si@schillerinstitut.dk, +45 53 57 00 51

The Schiller Institute seminar will discuss:

  • What caused the current extremely dangerous military, and economic crisis.
  • Why strengthening the EU military arm with Danish participation, and Sweden and Finland joining NATO would only exacerbate geopolitical conflict, and
  • What are the principles upon which we can create a new security and development architecture, for the benefit of all nations and people.

Program:

The world need a new security and development architecture. 
Helga Zepp-LaRouche, the Schiller Institute founder and international president.

Background to the Ukraine-NATO-Russia war.
Jens Jørgen Nielsen, degrees in the history of ideas and communication, a Moscow correspondent for the major Danish daily Politiken in the late 1990s, author of several books about Russia and Ukraine, a leader of the Russian-Danish Dialogue organization, and an associate professor of communication and cultural differences at the Niels Brock Business College in Denmark.

Why we need a new security architecture.
Jan Øberg, PhD, peace and future researcher and art photographer, PhD in sociology, visiting professor in peace and conflict studies in Japan, Spain, Austria, and Switzerland, co-founder and director of the independent TFF, the Transnational Foundation for Peace and Future Research, in Lund, Sweden, and author.

Chinese proposals for a new security and development arcitecture: Xi Jinping’s April proposal for a new international security architecture; the Belt and Road Initiative and the Global Development Initiative.

Prof. Li Xing, PhD, professor of Development and International Relations in the Department of Politics and Society, Faculty in Humanities and Social Sciences, Aalborg University, and author.

Why Denmark should not intensify its geopolitical military engagements.
Tom Gillesberg, chairman, the Schiller Institute in Denmark

Why Sweden and Finland should not join NATO.

Ulf Sandmark, chairman, the Schiller Institute in Sweden


Information:
si@schillerinstitut.dk. +45 53 57 00 51 (Denmark)

Schiller-institutet@nysol.se, +46 98 30 10 (Sweden)

—————————————

As background, here are excerpts from a speech given by Helga Zepp-LaRouche, the founder and president of the Schiller Institute, to an online conference with young people on May 7, 2022,

“The world is facing an incredibly dangerous moment. But there’s also hope…. That is only possible if we overcome the idea of geopolitics.

“Now, geopolitics is the idea that you always will have a bloc of nations, or a nation which will define or has to define its interest against another bloc of nations, and that there will always be a deadly controversy, where either one wins, or the other, and the whole thing will be a zero-sum game. And that is exactly what needs to be overcome, and which can be overcome.

“[W]e have to establish an international order, where basically the principle on which this order is based, is the idea that every nation has the right and the means to develop all potentials of all of its citizens. We are in a situation where we need a systemic change: A complete change of the system. The reason why I’m saying this is because the situation is very urgent. More and more analysts and experts agree that the danger of World War III is acute, that the situation is more dangerous than at the height of the Cold War….

“So we are a hair-trigger away from the annihilation of human civilization…. [I]f the present policies are continued, the world could end very abruptly, in a few minutes from now, in a few days, weeks or months, and obviously, the war in Ukraine is the flashpoint. But this whole crisis is not about Ukraine. It’s about what kind of a world order should exist: Should it be a unipolar world, dominated by one or two nations? Should it be a “rules-based order,” where a small club of nations makes the rules? Or should it be multipolar, and should it be based on international law as it is expressed in the UN Charter?…

I think that that is the starting point: That only if you make it clear to yourself, that nuclear war between the two largest nuclear powers, the United States and Russia, means the annihilation of the human species, and then mobilize that the war must stop, and fight for an alternative which has to start with the idea that the war has to stop; diplomacy and negotiations have to immediately start to find a settlement agreeable to all sides….

“Now, we should be clear, and this is the position of everybody working with the Schiller Institute, that war cannot be a method of conflict resolution in times of nuclear weapons; and I’m not saying this war should have happened, but you have to understand the reasons why it did happen….”

As Helga Zepp-LaRouche stated, “starting at the time of the German reunification, when the Berlin Wall came down, the U.S. Secretary of State James Baker III did promise to Gorbachev, NATO will not move one inch to the East….”

“A retired German General, named Harald Kujat, who had been the chairman of the Military Committee of NATO in 2002-2005, just gave an interview to a German magazine, in which he said, that the center of gravity is no longer to protect and assist Ukraine in its defensive struggle against a Russian attack, which is contrary to international law, but to weaken Russia as a strategic rival in the long term.

“[Countries with a population of] 2.2 billion people, they all are refusing to be pulled into geopolitical confrontation between the U.S. and NATO on the one side, and Russia and China on the other side.

“And all of these countries are sticking to the idea of non-alignment, and that I think is the key to peace right now. Because the Non-Aligned Movement principles, these were the principles of the UN Charter, the Bandung Conference, the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, which is sovereignty, non-interference into the internal affairs of the other country; acceptance of the other social system….

“I think we need, in the tradition of the Peace of Westphalia, which ended 150 years of war in Europe, a security architecture, which takes into [account] the interest of the developing countries first; there must be an increase of the living standard of every single individual, of Europe, of the United States, of Russia and China. I think that is the make or break issue for humanity to survive. This means we need a new paradigm in thinking, namely the idea that each nation has the right to develop its fullest potential. Each child, each baby born, no matter in what nation in the world, has the right to develop its fullest potential, which means it has to have a universal education….

“[T]he dangers have never been as great, but the potential that we can create a completely new world, has never been so close: To end colonialism; to have an economy based on thermonuclear fusion, which would mean, we have energy security for all nations, raw materials security; that we can have international cooperation in space exploitation; that mankind will become adult, and that geopolitical wars will become a question of the past.”

We sincerely hope that you will be able to join us for this important event, and that you will share this invitation, and encourage other people to participate.

Homepages: English: The Schiller Institute | A New Paradigm for the Survival of Civilization

Danish: Hjem – Schiller Instituttet

Swedish: Schillerinstitutet

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

   




POLITISK ORIENTERING den 28. april 2022:
Vesten har startet den nye verdenskrig.
Kan den stoppes inden det bliver en atomkrig?
Klik her for lydfilen.

Med formand Tom Gillesberg

Lyd:

Resumé:
Mødet på den amerikanske luftbase i Ramstein, Tyskland, hvor Morten Bødskov deltog, var NATO ++. Ud over NATO-medlemmer og Ukraine var også Israel, Japan, Sydkorea og andre af USA’s partnere til stede for at aftale massiv militær støtte til Ukraine og fortsat udvidet militært samarbejde. Tysklands kansler Scholz gav efter for presset til at levere tanks og tunge våben til Ukraine. NATO er i total krig mod Rusland via sin proxy Ukraine. Ukraines præsident Zelenskij er blot en skuespiller, der læser de manuskripter op, der er skrevet i London og Washington.

USA, NATO og EU lyver om at lave sanktioner for at stoppe krigen. Man har på intet tidspunkt forsøgt at stoppe krigen i Ukraine, men har tværtimod skabt den for at bruge den til at ødelægge Rusland, som en uafhængig magt. Se analysen fra den amerikanske tidligere militærmand og senator Richard Black og læs de rystende fakta fra den schweiziske tidligere FN og NATO-militærrådgiver Jaques Baud. Det var ikke Rusland der startede krigen den 24. februar. De reagerede blot på den igangværende planlagte militære operation, som Vesten har haft i gang i Ukraine siden kuppet i Kiev i 2014. Der har aldrig været en massiv russisk militær overlegenhed. 130.000 russiske kombatanter har stået over for 250.000 på den ukrainske side. Rusland havde aldrig opbygget den 3-1 fordel, en angriber gerne skal have, for det var aldrig Rusland, der ønskede krigen. Man handlede i desperation for at imødegå det planlagte vestligt støttede ukrainske angreb imod Donbas og Krim.

Der er masser af krigsforbrydelser i krigen, men i modsætning til den ukrainske (britisk iscenesatte) ukrainske propaganda er det ikke russerne, der er unødigt brutale, men de ukrainske ideologiserede specialstyrker. Se interviewet med Richard Black. Var der nogen der troede på, at videoen med nyvaskede smilende blonde børn virkelig var indspillet efter to måneders mareridt i jorden under stålværket i Mariupol? Eller var det blot endnu en iscenesat propagandafilm. Er der 50 franske militærmænd gemt i værkets underjordiske gange, der var ansvarlige for sænkningen af Ruslands flagskib Moskva?

I lighed med Tyskland og de andre europæiske vasalstater har Danmark opgivet sin suverænitet og parerer blot ordrer fra USA (EU) og NATO. Stem nej til ophævelsen af forsvarsforbeholdet, men det er ikke nok til at stoppe krig. Der skal også være et massivt nej til fortsættelsen af verdenskrigen imod Rusland og andre (som f.eks. Kina), der nægter at opgive sin suverænitet. Ellers får vi atomkrig.

Den fortsatte krig i Ukraine og sanktionerne imod Rusland vil medføre global fødevaremangel der kan true over en milliard mennesker på livet, men hvem hører stemmer i Vesten bekymre sig om det? Kun Rusland, Kina, Indien og andre ikke-vestlige nationer har iværksat tiltag for at undgå det. Vil Indien indgå i en alliance sammen med Rusland og Kina for at opretholde sin suverænitet? Ruslands lukning af gassen for Polen og Bulgarien er blot et skud over boven. Tyskland og Italien er langt mere afhængige af russisk gas, der ikke kan erstattes med andet i løbet af flere år. Hvis EU fortsætter konfrontationen vil man påføre Tysklands og Europas økonomi og levestandard ubodelig skade.

Det vestligt ledede globale finanssystem er allerede i nedsmeltning pga. kæmpe gæld, stigende inflation og eksploderende renter. De vedvarende paniske aktioner for at skade Rusland og andre, der ikke makker ret, trækker tæppet væk under det vestlige system og den vestlige globale magt. Vil Vesten forstå sin fejltagelse inden alt forsvinder i atomkrig?

Det er ikke Rusland imod verden men Vesten imod det meste af Verden. Schiller Instituttets konference fra den 9. april om en ny global sikkerhedsarkitektur viser vejen ud. Kinas Xi Jinping har svaret med en opfordring til et globalt sikkerhedsinitiativ. Kan vi få folk i Vesten til at hæve deres stemmer og sige fra over for selvmordspolitikken?

Bliv aktiv. Gå med i Schiller Instituttets kampagne. Skab historie. Stop katastrofen og skab en fredsorden og en global renæssance.

Baggrund:

Col. Richard Black: U.S. Leading World to Nuclear War

Jacques Baud: The Military Situation In The Ukraine – Update




Foredrag af Rusland-ekspert Jens Jørgen Nielsen: Hvad sker der i og omkring Ukraine? den 5. marts 2022

“Jens Jørgen Nielsen, som er historiker, Ruslandskender og forfatter til bøger om både Ukraine og Rusland, holdt dette foredrag d. 5.  marts 2022 på Aarhus mod Krig og Terrors debatmøde om situationen i Ukraine.” fra hjemmesiden Flygtninge og Fred her.

Diabilleder:

Download (PPTX, 2.67MB)




POLITISK ORIENTERING den 11. marts 2022:
Vil falsk kemisk angreb bringe Nato i åben krig med Rusland?
Klik her for lydfilen.

Med formand Tom Gillesberg.

Lyd:

Resumé:
Det ser ud til at vestlige efterretningstjenester planlægger et falsk kemisk angreb, som det man lavede i Syrien i som fik Trump til at bombe Syrien i 2017. Vil man få Nato i åben krig med Rusland? Faren for en atomkrig har aldrig været større. Der er to krige: Den i Ukraine og den større økonomiske krig USA og Vesten har iværksat imod Rusland. Man forsøger at få russisk kapitulation men trækker også tæppet væk under økonomien, særligt Europas. Hvor længe varer det inden at vi ser konkurser pga. af Ruslands manglende betalinger? De vestlige tiltag som man siger skyldes ”Putins krig”, var noget USA længe har presset på for, både 2 % af BNP til militær og stop for køb af russisk gas. Nato har længe sendt våben og trænet Ukraines hær, også de åbent fascistiske elementer i den, for at Ukraine kunne påføre Rusland maksimal skade. Skaden på Ukraine betyder lige så meget for Vesten, som man bekymrer sig om befolkningen i Afghanistan.

Vestens økonomiske atombombe imod Rusland, udelukkelsen fra SWIFT og indefrysningen af Rusland formue i udenlandske banker vil medføre at ingen kan vide sig sikker, hvis pengene står i vestlige banker der handler på politiske ordrer. Dollarens og euroens rolle som reservevaluta vil blive kraftigt udfordret. En russisk statsbankerot og manglende russiske betalinger kan vælte meget.

Uden russisk gas, olie og kul står Europa stille. Energipriserne himmelflugt gør stor økonomisk skade. Fødevareforsyning og fødevarepriser rammes også af mangel på kunstgødning og evt. dårlig høst i Ukraine og Rusland. Og fiskere som bliver hjemme fordi det er for dyrt at sejle. Andre ting, som f.eks. produktion af mikrochips kan også blive hårdt ramt. Vestens sanktioner vil gøre stor skade på økonomien. Rusland vil nok nationalisere eller tvangsovertage vestligt ejede virksomheder som McDonalds og JYSK der har lukket ned for aktiviteten. Hvad med Carlsberg?

Rusland siger, at de aldrig igen vil være afhængige af Vesten. Fokus bliver på Kina og Asien. Man satser på den verdensorden, som Rusland og Kina fremlagde den 4. februar. Kina vil støtte Rusland for de ved, at hvis Rusland knækker, så er det deres tur bagefter.

Globalt økonomisk kaos truer pga. Vestens sanktioner imod Rusland. Ifølge UNICEF og Verdensfødevareprogrammet er 1 million børn under 5 år på vej til at dø af sult i Afghanistan. 8 millioner børn og 22 millioner mennesker er i fare, og de kan kun hjælpe 12 millioner. Vesten gør ingenting.

Vi behøver en ny sikkerhedsarkitektur som alle, også Rusland, Kina og Indien, kan se sig selv i og vi behøver den nu. Skriv under på Schiller Instituttets appel. Rejs debatten. Gør noget, før det er for sent. 




EIR spørger forsvarsministre fra Danmark, Storbritannien og Sverige om en
ny sikkerheds- og økonomisk arkitektur på TV2 live

København, 4. marts (EIRNS) — {EIR} stillede et spørgsmål om Schiller Instituttets forslag til en ny sikkerheds- og udviklings arkitektur på et pressemøde i dag med forsvarsministrene fra Danmark, Storbritannien og Sverige, om bord på den danske fregat Niels Juel, ved lanceringen af den militære øvelse Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) i Østersøen.

Storbritannien har ledelsen af JEF, og denne øvelse med udgangspunkt i Danmark omfatter også Sverige og de tre baltiske lande, Estland, Letland og Litauen. 

Den danske forsvarsminister Morten Bødskov besvarede {EIR}s spørgsmål, i selskab med den britiske forsvarsminister Ben Wallace og den svenske forsvarsminister Peter Hultqvist. 

Pressekonferencen blev transmitteret direkte og er arkiveret på dansk TV2. Der var filmhold og reportere fra andre danske medier, Sverige, Storbritannien (BBC), Agence France-Presse (AFP) og muligvis også andre lande, hvor det muligvis er blevet transmitteret. 

Her er endnu en video, som også inkluderer TV2’s spørgsmål, om Danmark og Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) optrapper krisen med deres militære øvelser i Østersøen.

Hele pressekonferencen kan stadigvæk ses på TV2News den 4. marts 2022: Find “Nordeuropæiske forsvarsministre briefer om samarbejde” her.

 “EIR: Michelle Rasmussen fra {Executive Intelligence Review} i USA. I betragtning af alvoren af krigen i Ukraine og faren for optrapning, ligefrem indtil atomkrig, har formanden for Schiller Instituttet Helga Zepp-LaRouche opfordret til en international konference om en ny sikkerhedsmæssig og økonomisk arkitektur, der skal tage hensyn til alle landes fælles interesser. Har De en kommentarer til dette – nogen af ministrene?

“Den danske forsvarsminister Morten Bødskov: Der er kun én kommentar, nemlig at det JEF-samarbejde, som vi har indgået her, er vejen frem. Vi står sammen her i dag, for at bekræfte vores værdier, vores samarbejde, og det er vejen frem for den region, som vi befinder os i nu, og jeg er glad for, at vores britiske kollega og min svenske kollega er til stede her i dag.” 

Under den korte pressekonference om morgenen, rejste BBC spørgsmålet om atomkrig, da der blev spurgt, om Rusland i lyset af det russiske angreb på et ukrainsk atomkraftværk, ville være indstillet på at bruge atomvåben. Den britiske forsvarsminister Ben Wallace, nedtonede faren ved den nuværende situation med atomkraftværket. Han advarede Rusland mod at ramme atomkraftværker ved et uheld eller med vilje, og erklærede, at Putins tankegang synes at være, at der ikke er nogen grænser. Putin bør mindes om, at NATO er en konventionel og nuklear alliance. 

Under eftermiddagens pressekonference var {EIR} den anden journalist i rækken, der stillede et spørgsmål, forud for en national dansk TV2-journalist, der sendte direkte, og som stillede fire spørgsmål om, hvorvidt denne Joint Expeditionary Force-øvelse risikerer at eskalere den nuværende krise. Svaret fra den danske minister var bl.a., at vi er nødt til at trække en streg i sandet over for Putin og sikre friheden i Østersøområdet. {EIR} vil udsende endnu en video med denne udveksling på dansk, efterfulgt af {EIR}s spørgsmål og svar.

English:

COPENHAGEN, March 4 (ERINS) — EIR asked the question at a press conference with the ministers of defense from Denmark, Great Britain and Sweden, aboard the Danish frigate Niels Juel, on the occasion of the start of the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) military exercise in the Baltic Sea. The JEF is led by Great Britain, and this exercise, with the starting point in Denmark, also includes Sweden, and the three Baltic countries.

Danish Defense Minister Morten Bødskov answered EIR’s question, alongside British Defense Minister Ben Wallace and Swedish Defense Minister Peter Hultqvist.

The press conference was broadcast live and is archived on Danish TV2, and there were film crews and reporters from other Danish media, Sweden, Great Britain (BBC), Agence France Press, and maybe other countries, so it might also have been covered live in other countries.

“EIR: Michelle Rasmussen from Executive Intelligence Review in the United States. Given the seriousness of war in Ukraine and the danger of escalation, even up to nuclear war, the president of the Schiller Institute Helga Zepp-LaRouche has called for an international conference for a new security and economic architecture to address the interests of all countries. Do you have any comments to that — any of the ministers?

Danish Defense Minister Morten Bødskov: There is only one comment, that the JEF (Joint Expeditionary Force) cooperation that we have made here is the way forward. We stand together here, today, to confirm our values, our cooperation, and that’s the way forward for the region that we are in now, and I’m glad that our British colleague and my Swedish colleague are here today.”

During the morning short press conference, the BBC reporter brought the nuclear war question up when he asked if, in light of the Russian attack on a Ukrainian nuclear plant, Russia would be in the mindset to use nuclear weapons. British Defense Minister Ben Wallace played down the danger of the current nuclear plant situation, warned Russia against hitting nuclear plants by accident or intention, said that Putin’s mindset seemed to be that there are no limits, and Putin should be reminded that NATO is a conventional and nuclear alliance.

During the afternoon press conference EIR was the second journalist to ask a question, preceded by a national Danish TV2 journalist, broadcasting live, who asked four questions about if this Joint Expeditionary Force exercise can escalate the current crisis. The answer from the Danish minister included that we have to draw a line in the sand for Putin, and ensure freedom in the Baltic region. EIR will release another video with this exchange in Danish and followed by the EIR question and answer.




Poul Villaume den 14. januar 2022:
Efter 1989 lovede vesten, at Europa skulle have en ”ny sikkerhedsstruktur”.
Skal vi ikke bygge den nu – sammen med Rusland?

Følgende er to citater fra Poul Villaums debat artikel i Ræson den 14, januar 2022:

Titlen: Poul Villaume: Efter 1989 lovede vesten, at Europa skulle have en ”ny sikkerhedsstruktur”. Skal vi ikke bygge den nu – sammen med Rusland?

Poul Villaume (f.1950) er dr.phil. og professor emeritus i samtidshistorie, Saxo-Instituttet, KU.

»Det er i denne forbindelse også værd at minde om, at både NATO selv (London-erklæringen, juli 1990) og alle CSCE-lande (Paris-charteret, november 1990) ved Den Kolde Krigs afslutning lovede sig selv og hinanden, at der nu skulle opbygges nye sikkerhedspolitiske mekanismer og institutioner og en ny sikkerhedsarkitektur i et helet og helt Europa, som naturligt også skulle omfatte både Nordamerika og Rusland. Man talte også om et sikkerhedsfælleskab, som skulle strække sig ”fra Vancouver til Vladivostok”. Men efter at Sovjetunionen brød sammen under sin egen (død)vægt i 1991, blev NATO kastet ud i en stille, eksistentiel krise, som man først gradvist overvandt med vedtagelsen af NATOs udvidelsesprogram mod øst i 1993-94 (”expand or die”, lød parolen internt). Der blev dermed, som Vestens yndlings-russer i 1990erne, Boris Jeltsin, fortroligt advarede Bill Clinton om i 1994 og 1995, i praksis tale om, at den tilbageblevne koldkrigsalliance blev dominerende i Europa på bekostning af et sikkerhedspolitisk marginaliseret, isoleret og ydmyget Rusland….«

»En anden vigtig erfaring fra Den Kolde Krig er, at uanset hvor skarpt modsætningerne mellem parterne er trukket op, er det altid godt, at der er dialog, forhandlinger og personlige kontakter – gerne suppleret af fortrolige ’bagkanaler’ mellem parterne på højst muligt niveau, og med gensidig respekt for modpartens bekymringer, uanset alle politiske og værdimæssige forskelle. Det var på den måde, afspændingsepoken under Den Kolde Krig blev igangsat i 1960erne og 1970erne, og det var sådan, den, især på europæisk plan, overlevede selv det stærkt forværrede supermagtsforhold i begyndelsen af 1980erne. Det er derfor farligt at bagatellisere dét, at der alene finder forhandlinger sted, som måske nytteløs ”bla-bla-bla”; det er under alle omstændigheder bedre end ”bang-bang-bang” (eller som Churchill formulerede det i 1954, da han ihærdigt søgte at stable et topmøde mellem Øst og Vest på benene: ”To jaw-jaw is always better than to war-war”). Og en sidste påmindelse, også formuleret midt under Den Kolde Krig, og af gyldighed også i den aktuelle situation mellem Rusland og Vesten, fremsagt af den respekterede britiske militærskribent Sir Basil Lidell Hart i 1960: ”Fasthold styrke, om muligt. Under alle omstændigheder, hold hovedet koldt. Hav ubegrænset tålmodighed. Træng aldrig en modstander op i hjørnet, og hjælp ham altid med at redde ansigt. Sæt dig selv i hans sted – for at se tingene gennem hans øjne. Undgå selvretfærdighed som djævlen – intet gør mere blind.”«

Læs hele artiklen i Ræson her.




Interview: Li Xing, phd: Den fælles erklæring fra Kina og Rusland af 4. februar:
En erklæring om en ny æra og en ny verdensorden

22. februar 2022 – Schiller Instituttet i Danmark gennemførte et 45-minutters interview med Dr. Li Xing, professor i udvikling og internationale relationer ved Institut for Politik og Samfund, Det Humanistiske og Samfundsvidenskabelige Fakultet, Aalborg Universitet, Danmark.

Dr. Li beskriver indholdet af den fælles erklæring af 4. februar 2022 mellem Kina og Rusland og analyserer, hvad dette betyder for forbindelserne mellem Kina og Rusland, men også for resten af verden. De emner, der diskuteres, omfatter unipolaritet eller multipolaritet, et nyt forhold mellem nationer, demokrati, økonomisk udvikling, en amerikansk domineret “regelbaseret orden” eller en FN-baseret orden, behovet for en ny international sikkerhedsarkitektur, som efterlyst af Helga Zepp-LaRouche, og hvordan Kina vil reagere på de kraftige vestlige sanktioner mod Rusland, der er udløst af Ukraine-krisen.

Dr. Li havde også givet Schiller Instituttet et interview den 26. januar med titlen “Samarbejd med Kina”: Det er ikke fjenden”

Afskrift på engelsk:

Interview: Li Xing, PhD
The China-Russia Feb. 4 Joint Statement:
A Declaration of a New Era and New World Order

Michelle Rasmussen: Presidents Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin held a summit meeting on the sidelines of the Beijing Olympics and issued a statement on Feb. 4 called Joint Statement of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China on the International Relations Entering a New Era and the Global Sustainable Development. Schiller Institute founder and international President Helga Zepp-LaRouche said that this signals a new era in international relations. To discuss the content and implications of the development, I am pleased to interview Dr. Li Xing, Professor of Development and International Relations in the Department of Politics and Society, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences from Aalborg University in Denmark. Dr. Li also gave the Schiller Institute an interview on Jan. 26 of this year, entitled “Cooperate with China. It Is not the Enemy.” 
Before we go into details, can you please give us your assessment of the overall importance of the summit and statement, including what it means for relations between China and Russia, and China-Russian relations with the rest of the world. And at the end of the interview, we will also discuss what it means in the current, very tense situation between Russia and NATO.

Li Xing: Thank you Michelle for your invitation. It’s my pleasure to be invited again by the Schiller Institute.
First of all let me emphasize that it is a landmark document. Why? Because the document emphasizes what I call a “new era,” declaring a shift in the world order, a multipolar world order, in which the U.S. and the West are not the only rule-makers, and Russia and China take the lead, and lay out a set of principles and a shared worldview. This is my first general summary.
Second, unlike the U.S./NATO alliance, the China-Russia relationship is described by the joint document as a “close comprehensive strategic partnership.” In Putin’s early words, he said, “The China-Russia relationship is a relationship that probably cannot be compared with anything in the world.” The relationship is not “aimed against any other countries.” It is “superior to the political and military alliances of the Cold War era,” referring to the U.S.-NATO alliance. It also echoes Xi Jinping’s recent statement, that “the relationship even exceeds an alliance in its closeness and effectiveness.” So the document tries to demonstrate that the China-Russia relationship is a good example of interstate relationships.

Rasmussen: You have characterized the introduction as “a conceptual understanding and analysis of global changes and transformations taking place in the current era.” It especially refers to the transformation from a unipolar to a multipolar world. Can you please explain how the statement addresses this, and what it means?

Li: In the beginning of this statement, it puts forward both countries’ conceptual understanding of the world order, which is characterized as “multipolarity, economic globalization, the advent of information society, cultural diversity, transformation of the global governance architecture and world order; there is increasing interrelation and interdependence between the States; a trend has emerged towards redistribution of power in the world.” [emphasis added by Li] “Redistribution of power in the world.” This is what the part emphasizes.
Second, this part also clearly sets up a series of analyses, arguments and discourses to demonstrate both countries’ understanding, and to emphasize the fact that the world order has entered a new era. Again, “new era” are the key words for this document.
Lastly, in this beginning part of the joint statement, it shows both Russia and China’s grand worldview that pave the foundation for the two countries’ broad consensus on almost all issues of the world, which we will deal with one by one later on.

Rasmussen: Part 1 is about the question of democracy, and it starts by saying: “The sides” —that is, China and Russia—”share the understanding that democracy is a universal human value, rather than a privilege of a limited number of States, and that its promotion and protection is a common responsibility of the entire world community.”
But the charge is that China and Russia are not democratic, but rather autocratic. This is one of the leading accusations by those in the West who are trying to maintain a unipolar world, and they portray the world as a battle between the democrats and the autocrats. How does the document respond to this, and treat the idea of democracy?

Li: Actually, this document utilizes a large amount of space to discuss this point. First, the joint statement points out that “democracy”—including human rights—”is a universal human value, rather than a privilege of a limited number of States.” So here it implies that the concept of democracy must not be defined by the West alone. The West cannot singlehandedly define which country is autocratic and which country is democratic.
Second, the joint document emphasizes that their standpoint is that there is no universal one-form document, or human rights standard. Different countries have different cultures, histories, different social-political systems in a multipolar world. We have to respect the way each country chooses their own social-political system, and also the tradition of other states.
Third, it signals a strong critique of the West, and in this part, there are a lot of criticisms toward the West. That is, that the West has a tendency to weaponize the issue of democracy and human rights, and very often uses it as a tool to interfere in other countries’ internal affairs. It is completely wrong for the U.S. and the West to impose their own “democratic standards” on other countries, and to monopolize the right to assess the level of compliance with democratic criteria, and to draw a dividing line on the basis of ideology, including by establishing exclusive blocs and lines of convenience, and this is very bad, according to these two countries, that the West tends to use democracy and human rights to interfere into other countries’ internal affairs, and China really suffers a lot from this point.

Rasmussen: How would you say democracy works in China?

Li: I would argue that if we use Western standards to define democracy, then definitely, China is not a democracy. In a Western version of democracy, China does not have a multi-party system, China does not have elections. But the point is, how the West will respond to the fact that according to major Western sources, survey data sources, throughout many years, that the Chinese people’s confidence in their government is the highest in the whole world. And the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese state receive the highest approval from the Chinese population according to those data. And also China has reached very high, rapid economic development, under the so-called “non-democratic government.” Now, how can the West explain these issues? Many democratic countries suffer from economic backwardness and underdevelopment.
So, as to the form of governance in China, I think it is the Chinese people, themselves, who should make the judgment.

Rasmussen: Let’s move on to part 2, which is about coordinating economic development initiatives, including harmonizing the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, and also the Russian Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), even more, and taking initiatives to create economic development, where they emphasize the role of scientific research in generating economic growth, something that Lyndon LaRouche and our movement have had as a priority concept. And also increasing healthcare and pandemic response in poor countries. What do you see as the significance of this call for increasing economic development cooperation?

Li: Yes. I also read this part of the document very carefully. This part shows a clear difference in approach between the West and the U.S. on the one side, and China-Russia on the other side. While the West is emphasizing, or holding the flag of democracy and human rights, China-Russia actually emphasize that peace, development and cooperation lies at the core of the modern international system. So, according to the understanding of Russia and China, development is the key driver in ensuring the prosperity of other nations, even though democracy and human rights are important, but development must be the core. So it implies that good development will lead the country in the direction of democracy, but not defined solely by the West, the concept of democracy.
Second, that following this line of understanding, then China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union are good examples of interregional cooperation. So they actually use the Belt and Road, and also Russia’s Eurasia Economic Union, as good examples. One interesting point I want to emphasize is that both countries emphasize scientific and technological development, and “open, equal, and fair conditions.” I think here, there is a kind of implicit criticism toward the United States, which has been conducting sanctions against Chinese tech companies, for example, Huawei, or other high-tech companies.
Finally, I’ll remark here that both countries show their commitment to the Paris Agreement and to combat COVID-19, and these two issues are the most vital issues for the international community today. So it is a core for every country to emphasize these two vital issues: climate change, Paris Agreement, on the one side, and COVID-19 on the other side.

Rasmussen: Yes, I can add that Helga Zepp-LaRouche has initiated a proposal which she calls Operation Ibn Sina, which deals with the terrible humanitarian catastrophe in Afghanistan, leading off with creating a modern health system in every country. And if we could get much more international cooperation for building a modern health system, having the economic development which gives the basis for the population to have the immunology to resist disease, this would be a very important field for economic development, which means life and death at this moment.

Li: I fully agree with Helga’s understanding and call.

Rasmussen: As to part 3, this is about the increasing, dangerous international security situation, with a sharp critique of Western attitudes and actions. And the statement reads: “No State can or should ensure its own security separately from the security of the rest of the world and at the expense of the security of other States.” And here, China addresses Russia’s concerns and criticizes NATO’s expansion eastward after the Fall of the Berlin Wall. And Russia addresses China’s concerns by reaffirming the One-China principle and concerns about building different regional alliances against China —the Quad and AUKUS. It also praises the recent P5 statement against nuclear war.
Can you say more about China’s and Russia’s concerns? And do you think this is a call for a new international security architecture?

Li: Yes. If you read the document carefully, and this part on international security architecture, or their understanding of international security, occupied quite a large space. So it is a very important part for China and Russia.
In this part, the statement is actually bluntly clear about their mutual support for each other’s national security concerns. For Russia, it is connected with the Ukraine crisis, but the document does not mention Ukraine specifically, but it is connected. For China, it is the Taiwan issue, definitely. So they show their mutual support for each other.
On Russia’s concern for its national security, both countries oppose “further enlargement of NATO,” and “respect the sovereignty, security and interests of other countries.” And it clearly pronounced, there will be no peace if states “seek to obtain, directly or indirectly, unilateral military advantages to the detriment of the security of others.” The document claims that the NATO plan to enlarge its membership to encircle Russia will mean security for the Western side, but it is a danger for Russia. It is a national security concern.
On the Taiwan issue, Russia reconfirms that Taiwan is part of China—the One-China policy—and it is against any form of Taiwan independence.
Third, the joint statement also openly criticized the formation of closed blocs, as what you mentioned about the Quad. The document does not mention the Quad, but it does mention AUKUS. The document shows that both countries oppose U.S.-led military camps, or security camps in the Asia-Pacific region, definitely implying the Quad and AUKUS, and it points out the negative impact of the United States Indo-Pacific strategy.
Finally, the two countries call for a new international security architecture, with “equitable, open and inclusive security system … that is not directed against third countries and that promotes peace, stability and prosperity.” So this part is very important for China and Russia to challenge the traditional international security architecture, and call for a new international security architecture, which I will touch on a bit later.

Rasmussen: Many political spokesmen in the West have criticized Russia and China for not adhering to the “rules-based order” and here, in part 4, China and Russia write that they “strongly advocate the international system with the central coordinating role of the United Nations in international affairs, defend the world order based on international law, including the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, advance multipolarity and promote the democratization of international relations, together create an even more prospering, stable, and just world, jointly build international relations of a new type.”
And it continues: “The Russian side notes the significance of [Xi Jinping’s] concept of constructing a ‘community of common destiny for mankind…’”
Can you say more about the significance of this section, about global governance and the difference between the question of the “rules-based order” and an order based on international law, as laid out by the United Nations Charter?

Li: Yes. This part is extremely interesting, because it touches upon the mental clashes between China-Russia on the one side, and the U.S. and West on the other side, about the “rules-based order.” China, in particular, has been criticized a lot, as you also mentioned, that China has been accused by the U.S. of not following the “rules-based order.” If you remember the dialogue between a Chinese delegation and a U.S. delegation in Alaska in December two years ago, then we still remember the clash, that the Chinese claim that the U.S. rules-based order does not represent the global rules-based order, rather the United Nations—China emphasizes that the United Nations should play the central coordination role in international affairs. But the United States does not really like the UN-based structure, which is based on one-country/one-vote. So if we trace UN voting, we could easily find that the United States very often suffers from many setbacks when it comes to UN voting on many issues. So that’s why China emphasizes the United Nations rules-based order, whereas United States prefers a U.S. rules-based order.
And this joint statement also calls for advancing multipolarity and promoting democratization of international relations. In my interpretation, democratization of international relations implies that the power structure embedded in the Bretton Woods system, which was created by the United States after the Second World War, does not really reflect the new era, as I pointed out earlier. China and Russia think reforms are needed to reflect the new era. This definitely, again, from my interpretation, refers to international financial institutions like the World Bank, and the IMF, where Chinese voting power is proportionally weaker than it should have been, according to its economic size.
And also the joint statement mentions the China foreign policy, as you mentioned in your question, “community of common destiny for mankind,” which was raised by President Xi Jinping. And in this nexus China’s Belt and Road Initiative is a good example, seen from China’s point of view, a good example of community of common destiny for mankind, in which the Belt and Road intends to promote, through worldwide infrastructure investment, the formation of a new global economic order, through creating a community of shared interest, and the community of shared responsibilities.
Unfortunately, the West does not really like both a “community of common destiny for mankind,” and the Belt and Road Initiative, because they are interpreted as the Chinese agenda is to transform global governance and the rules-based order.
However, I really think that the West should rethink their opposition, and they must face the fact that the Belt and Road memorandum has been signed by 148 countries and by 32 international organizations. So, according to my judgment, the Belt and Road, and also a community for common destiny for mankind, have already become an indispensable part of global governance and global order.

Rasmussen: Yes, this is also to underscore what you said before, about how important economic development is for the wellbeing of the countries. And here you have China, which was the first country to eliminate poverty in their country, over the last 40 years, and is offering this as a model for other countries to get economic development. The slogan of the Schiller Institute is “Peace through Economic Development,”—

Li: Exactly.

Rasmussen: The way that you can get countries that have perceived each other as enemies to rise to a new level, to seek common interest, is through arranging economic development programs, not only for a single country, but for a whole region, which encourages them to work together. You spoke before about the Chinese criticism of the Bretton Woods institutions. What the Schiller Institute and Lyndon LaRouche have been saying, is that the initial idea of the Bretton Woods institutions as proposed by Franklin Roosevelt was to try to get the economic development of the poorer countries. But it degenerated into, for example, where you had the World Bank and International Monetary Fund imposing austerity conditions on countries as a precondition for loans, where nothing was done to actually increase the productivity of the countries, in the way that the Belt and Road is actually —with the infrastructure development, creating the basis for the countries to becoming prosperous. And what we’re saying is that the total change in the international financial institutions is absolutely necessary now, at a point where financial speculation is blowing out, hyperinflation, and we need to have a new economic architecture, you could say, based on the physical development of the countries.

Li: I fully agree with your remarks and comments.

Rasmussen: Then another important statement in part 4, is that Chinese-Russian relations have reached a new level, as you said at the beginning, “a new era.”
“The sides [China and Russia] call for the establishment of a new kind of relationship between world powers on the basis of mutual respect, peaceful coexistence and mutually beneficial cooperation. They reaffirm that the new inter-State relations between Russia and China are superior to political and military alliances of the Cold War era. Friendship between the two States has no limits, there are no ‘forbidden’ areas of cooperation, strengthening of bilateral strategic cooperation is neither aimed against third countries nor affected by the changing international environment and circumstantial changes in third countries.”
And yet, this is a plea to end the geopolitical blocs, where the two countries also call for strengthening multilateral fora, like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the BRICS.
Li Xing, what will this much strengthened alliance mean for China and Russia, and also for the rest of the world? Should the West be worried, or is this a plea for a new type of international relations? What are the implications for shaping the new world order? What is your conclusion from the joint statement?

Li: I think one of the purposes of the joint statement is to demonstrate the good example of the China-Russia relationship, characterized as mutual respect, peaceful coexistence, and mutually beneficial cooperation. It is not targetted at any other country. It is not like the U.S.-led coalitions which are Cold War minded, according to Russia and China’s understanding.
And if we look at the BRICS, and if you look at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, they are not purely juridical and geopolitical organizations or alliances. They are non-binding, open and non-binding.
After I read the document several times, I reached the conclusion that the unipolar world order is over. The West and the United States might have a hard time to accept it.
So the joint statement shows a strong unity between Russia and China. So my question is where is the West’s unity after the Cold War, and when the unipolar world order is over? How strong is the trans-Atlantic relationship today? I don’t know: I’m asking the questions to the West, the U.S. The West must rethink its Cold War strategy of reviving unity through creating enemies, and I think this is a completely wrong strategy, in a multipolar world order, where countries are much more interdependent. So it is necessary for the U.S. to rethink its own version of the rules-based order, in which the U.S. is the rule-maker and others are rule-followers. And this does not work in a new era any more. That is my conclusion after reading the joint statement.

Rasmussen: Now, as to the current situation, today is Feb. 22, and yesterday, Russia recognized the two breakaway republics in Ukraine as independent republics, which is now going to lead to very heavy sanctions by the West. Putin’s point was that these sanctions would have come anyway, but in any case, without going into the details of the Ukraine-Russia-U.S./NATO crisis, the fact is that Russia will be most probably faced with enormously hard sanctions.
In our last interview, you were asked, for example, if Russia were thrown out of the SWIFT system, how would China react? Now it’s a question of the not only of the SWIFT system, but also of other major financial penalties. How do you see China reacting, in light of the joint statement, to the new sanctions against Russia, that will most probably come?

Li: Let me first of all put it in this way: That sanctions are never one-sided punishments. That both sides will suffer. It’s like President Trump’s trade war, that President Trump thought the trade war would hurt China. Yes, it hurt China, but it had a backlash, a backfire to the U.S. economy. And today, if you look at the U.S. economy, the inflation actually is, one way or another, connected with the trade war, as well. It was one of the outcomes.
Now, sanctions against Russia will also cause mutually suffering by both sides. Because if you look at the European dependence on Russia’s oil and gas, it’s about 30-35%; some countries more, some less. If Russia is thrown out of the SWIFT system, which means that Russia cannot have international trade, then Europe cannot pay Russia as well, then the oil or gas pipelines will be blocked, which is in the interest of the United States, but not in the interest of Europe. This is the first point.
Second, that China and Russia have already agreed that they are not going to use dollars for their bilateral trade. So that doesn’t really matter seen from the Russian and Chinese perspective, and in light of the spirit of this joint statement. So definitely China will continue to do business with Russia, and if the U.S. is saying that any country that is doing business Russia will be sanctioned as well, then the U.S. is creating even a larger, a bigger enemy. And China is a different story. And Russia, because Russia’s economy, Russia’s economic-financial status is relatively limited, compared with China. China is the second largest economy in the world.
By the way, China is the largest trading nation in the world. And you can see that last year, the China and EU trade reached more than 850 billion! That’s a lot! And look at the China-U.S. trade as well. If you punish China, in what way? I cannot imagine it. Take China out of the SWIFT system as well? No, you can’t do that! Then the whole world is blocked! Then no trade, no economic development at all.
So these are grave consequences of sanctions. I cannot predict the future situations. Until now I haven’t read any concrete reaction from the Chinese government, but I guess, following the spirit of this document, which was signed three weeks ago, definitely, China is going to act. China will also act in accordance with the spirit of solidarity between both countries.

Rasmussen: Our analysts were saying that it may be the case that China would buy more oil and gas and other products from Russia. Actually, one thing is that today, February 21 , is the 50th anniversary of Nixon’s trip to China, [February 21 to 28, 1972] and the opening up of relations, andthe United States commitment to the One-China policy. And at that time, many people were saying that Kissinger’s strategy was to open up the relations to China, as a way of isolating Russia, of putting Russia aside. But the fact is that these sanctions and this type of policy over the recent period, has done more to bring Russia and China together, as signified by this document. What is your reaction to that? But also the prospects of how we get out of this?
Lyndon LaRouche, for many years, called for a “Four Power” agreement between the United States, Russia, China, and India. How can we break through, looking at the world as Russia and China on one side, andthe U.S. and Europe on the other side, how can we get a cooperation among the great powers for the necessity of dealing with these other very serious crises the world is facing?

Li: Extremely interesting that you mentioned Nixon’s trip, of playing the “China card,” during the Cold War, in the beginning of the 1970s. You are completely right that the U.S. has historically enjoyed a very favorable position, in which the U.S. has been able to keep relatively stable relations with China, relatively stable relations with Soviet Union, at that time—but making the Soviet Union and China fight each other all the time. And especially after the Cold War, the U.S. still had this favorable position—relatively stable relations with both countries, but China and Russia still had difficult relations with each other.
But today, the situation is reversed. It’s totally shocking that the U.S. is fighting both world powers simultaneously. If you remember that the former U.S. National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, he wrote, before he died, he wrote clearly, that the worst situation for the United States, for the West is when Iran, Russia, and China become a bloc, become an alliance, with China as the economic driver, the economic power. I was very surprised that his words are becoming true today!
So, the only way we can come to the second part of your question, about how we can manage major power relations, is in line with the spirit of the Schiller Institute conference that took place last week and its call for establishing a new international security architecture. There is no other way. The Western dominance, the U.S. singlehanded dominance, the unipolar world is over. We need what Helga proposed, to establish a new international security architecture. We don’t know exactly what the form of this architecture, but that needs discussion from both sides! Unless the international community forms a kind of great, new international security architecture, conflict will continue.

Rasmussen: And then, as we spoke, it goes hand in hand with the increasing economic cooperation and the determination of the great powers to really do something for the economic development of the poor parts of the world.

Li: Yes, definitely. I agree with you. Thank you.

Rasmussen: Is there anything else you would like to add?

Li: No, I just want to add the last point, that I am very amazed by this joint statement, because I have come across many joint statements by two countries, or by multiple countries. But this one is the most comprehensive political document I have ever come across, because it covers every aspect of the world order, international relations, governance, security, values, norms, technology, climate change, health—you name it. So it is an extremely comprehensive document, which shows what Russia and China envision as a just world order.
So I would argue that this document implies a kind of new world order which Russia and China are going to, not only propose, but also push forward.
Unfortunately, this document has been demonized by many Western media—I have read many media talking about — to me it’s a kind of Cold War syndrome, because those media describe the document as creating a “bipolar world,” they say bipolar world, with the Russia and China/autocracies on the one side, and the U.S. and the West/democracies on the other side. So to me again, it’s a dividing line, when they allege that this document divides the world into two camps again. So to me, this is a typical Cold War syndrome.
Again, I come back to my last point: That we need a new international security architecture, as the Schiller Institute also proposed during the conference last week. Otherwise, there will be no peace and development. Thank you.

Rasmussen: Thank you so much, Li Xing. This has been a very important discussion.

Li: Thank you very much.