Det Britiske Imperiums politik over for Rusland {Er} Regimeskift

Den 28. marts (EIRNS)–Glenn Greenwald, angiver i en artikel, der blev offentliggjort i går, “Bidens uforsvarlige ord understreger farerne ved USA’s brug af Ukraine som en stedfortræderkrig,” at han ikke køber de tilbagekaldelser, som embedsmænd fra Bidens administration har udsendt om, at USA ikke har en politik for regimeskift over for Rusland.

Han citerer bl.a. den britiske imperialist Niall Ferguson, som skrev i Bloomberg News i sidste uge: “Jeg konkluderer, at USA har til hensigt at holde denne krig i gang…. Jeg har beviser fra andre kilder, der bekræfter dette. ‘Det eneste slutspil nu’, hørte man en højtstående embedsmand fra administrationen sige ved et privat arrangement tidligere på måneden, ‘er Putin-regimets ophør’….. Jeg kan forstå, at højtstående britiske personer taler i lignende vendinger. Man mener, at “Storbritanniens mulighed nr. 1 er, at konflikten udvides og dermed forbløder Putin”. Igen og igen hører jeg sådanne vendinger. Det er med til at forklare den manglende diplomatiske indsats fra USA’s side for at sikre en våbenhvile. Det kan også forklare præsident Joe Bidens villighed til at kalde Putin for en krigsforbryder.” (https://www.bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2022-03-22/niall-ferguson-putin-and-biden-misunderstand-history-in-ukraine-war0

Atlantic Council CEO, Fred Kempe, videreførte denne tankegang fra Putin til Kinas Xi Jinping. Kempe roste i et indlæg i CNBC den 27. marts Biden’s “fejl”  i Polen. “Der er ingen tvivl om, at præsident Xi må begynde at overveje konsekvenserne af Putins ruin,” skriver Kempe. “I den måske mest betydningsfulde tale i sin lange politiske karriere, afveg USA’s præsident Joe Biden i Polen fra sin forberedte tekst ved at antyde, hvilken pris Putin bør betale for sin uberettigede, uprovokerede og kriminelle krig mod Ukraines civile. ‘For Guds skyld’, sagde Biden, ‘denne mand kan ikke forblive ved magten’.”

Disse udtalelser fra Ferguson og Kempe påviser således, at balladen om Bidens “fejl” blot er en skinmanøvre. (https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/content-series/inflection-points/by-doubling-down-on-putin-xi-is-gambling-his-own-power/)




Den økonomiske politik, der skabte den vestfalske fred (1648)

På engelsk: The Economic Policy that Made the Peace of Westphalia

[Print version of this article]

This is a newly edited version of an article, originally published in EIR, on the history of the famous treaty that established the modern idea of cooperation and non-intervention among nations (EIR Vol. 30, No. 21, May 30, 2003). British Prime Minister Tony Blair’s speech in Chicago in 1999, in which he declared that the era of the Treaty of Westphalia was over, opened a period of unceasing wars by major powers on smaller nations. The principles of the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia are needed now more than ever.

This article appears in the March 11, 2022 issue of Executive Intelligence Review. SUBSCRIBE TO EIR

Author’s Introduction to this Republication

March 4, 2022—Power never smashes itself in anger on the reef of righteousness. Power is agapē, the love of God and humanity. As the Apostle Paul demonstrated in his First Letter to the Corinthians, chapter 13, agapē is generous and never envious; it is never righteous nor vengeful; it is patient and always merciful, and forgives easily. Agapē gives and never takes. Because of all of these qualities of leadership, agapē has no place of its own, and has no need of one, because it builds its home and takes its residence in others, as others take their happiness and rest in it. It is for these reasons that the power of the Peace of Westphalia is able to endure the rages of others, and it never traffics with them for some popularity. Thus, the secret of this Peace of Westphalia is to internalize, ahead of time, what other people are thinking, or are afraid of thinking, about themselves and their fellow man, and to give them the benefit of the doubt.

The Treaty of Westphalia says it explicitly, that it abolishes all competition, pretentions, and advantages over others, and “forgives the sins of the past by leaving all wrongs that have been committed to perpetual Oblivion.” Such is the beauty of power when it is proportional with reason, and such was the commitment of France in 1648, in the Peace of Westphalia, pledging to entertain a good and faithful, neighborly relationship with all nations. Such is the beauty of proportion between power and reason that Leibniz had identified as the basis for his idea of the Republic, and for which the recognition and remembrance of others grow unceasingly.

This is also what Rabelais meant when he said that gratuitousness, that is, what is given with benevolence, is the only living power that does not decrease and perish with time. It can only increase as time passes, because it decreases hatred in the same proportion that it increases love. Therefore, this principle of agapē represents the best that Western civilization has to offer: the idea of power found in the Athens of Solon in the 6th Century B.C., the sacrifice of Jesus Christ in 33 AD, the Council of Florence in 1439, the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, and the adoption of the American Constitution in 1787. This is how the idea of power became the power of an idea. The question is: Is the world ready to accept such an idea for the benefit of future generations yet to come?

May 30, 2003—In view of the currently collapsing world financial system, which is tearing apart the Maastricht Treaty, European governments have a last opportunity to abandon the failed Anglo-Dutch liberal system of private central banking and globalization, and organize the new Eurasian axis of peace centered on Russia, Germany, and France. To solve the collapse as sovereign nation-states with a common interest, their historical foundation is the 17th-Century Peace of Westphalia, which began “the era of sovereign nation-states” and is now attacked by all the new imperialists and utopian military strategists.

The 1648 Westphalia Peace succeeded only because of an economic policy of protection and directed public credit—dirigism—aimed to create sovereign nation-states, designed by France’s Cardinal Jules Mazarin and his great protégé Jean-Baptiste Colbert. Colbert’s dirigist policy of fair trade was the most effective weapon against the liberal free trade policy of the central banking system of the maritime powers of the British and Dutch oligarchies.

Similarly, it is only with a return to the Peace of Westphalia’s principle of “forgiving the sins of the past,” and of mutually beneficial economic development (see box, Principles of Westphalia, Article I), that the current Israeli-Palestinian conflict could be solved on the basis of two mutually-recognized sovereign states.

The then unique principles of the 1648 Treaty that finally ended 125 years of religious warfare in Europe, enshrined the benefit or advantage of the other—the common good—in the statecraft of sovereign nations. Two men—France’s Cardinal Jules Mazarin and Minister Jean-Baptiste Colbert (on coin)—were most responsible for this opening of the principles of nation-building.
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Gerard Ter Borch

In the Peace of Westphalia, Mazarin’s and Colbert’s common-good principle of the “advantage of the other” triumphed over the imperial designs of both France’s Louis XIV and the Venice-controlled Hapsburg Empire. In the 18th Century, the same principle brought the posthumous victory of Gottfried Leibniz over John Locke in shaping the American republic’s founding documents—the victory of “the pursuit of happiness” and the principle of the general welfare—over Locke’s “life, liberty, and property.”

Today, that principle has created the Eurasian Land-Bridge policy, as designed by U.S. Presidential pre-candidate Lyndon LaRouche, and as expressed in the economic development policies of China and some other Asian powers. This aims at “transport corridors of development,” spanning Eurasia from the Strait of Gibraltar to the Bering Strait, and from the North Sea to the Korean Peninsula and Southeast Asia.

How Mazarin Looked Toward Westphalia

By the early 1640s, after witnessing so much abuse by the Hapsburg Emperor’s feudal authority against the peoples of the small and war-devastated German states, and realizing that the horrors of the Thirty Years’ War were leading toward the destruction of civilization, Cardinal Jules de Mazarin acted to shift the attention of Europe away from Venetian-manipulated religious conflicts that had become an endless cycle of vengefulness of each against all. He sought to base a peace on the economic recovery and political sovereignty of the German Electorates and States, to move them toward freedom and away from the tyranny of the Emperor, and from Venice’s intrigues.

In 1642, six years before the signing of the Peace of Westphalia was to end the Thirty Years’ War, Mazarin sent a negotiating team to Münster to begin working on his peace plan. The two French plenipotentiaries, Claude de Mesmes Comte d’Avaux, and Abel Servien, were his close associates. The mission was to use the power of France to intervene between the Emperor and the German Electors and princes in such a way that the Emperor would be forced to relinquish his overpowering authority and France would facilitate an economic program for the German states by helping them rebuild their territories.

This result could not be achieved, however, unless France, as the most powerful nation outside of the Empire itself, were to be given the role of guarantor of German freedom on their own territory—a status of mediator that would give Mazarin’s French plenipotentiaries a friendly and indirect right to intervene inside the government of the Empire. This had to be done in such a way as not to give umbrage to the German princes, who would have rejected any form of direct foreign intervention. Indeed, what would be the benefit of replacing an Austrian imperial power by a French one?

Mazarin directed his plenipotentiaries to make their presence necessary, primarily along the Rhine River, by engaging in the only form of French expansion that would correspond to Mazarin’s principle of “the advantage of the other,” and that was, to engage in a productive economy of fair trade and commerce. Thus, Mazarin began to play an entirely new and unique role inside the Empire by increasing German freedom in trade and commerce along the main waterways of the Empire.

The Rhine River, running through very fertile lands, had long been the target of Mazarin’s predecessor, Cardinal Richelieu, who, as the First Minister of Louis XIII, had waged 14 years of war to acquire key territories along the High Rhine, with the presumption that the Rhine River was a God-given “natural border of France.” This foolish idea stemmed from the days of the Roman Empire, that is, from the same imperialist outlook that was to be Louis XIV’s folie des grandeurs, and was to become the pretext for Napoleon Bonaparte’s mad imperial conquests, a century later. The imperial Roman historian Strabo had concocted the geopolitical delusion whereby “an ancient divinity had erected mountains and traced the course of rivers in order to define the natural borders of a people,” whereby, consequently, the Rhine River had to be viewed as a natural border of France.

The Rhine: Boundary, or Corridor?

However, that was not the view of Mazarin. He saw the Rhine River as a great economic project rather than a way to grab more territory. It was a natural communication canal within German territory, a corridor of development. But it was unfortunately being commercially misused by river princes, who were going against their own best interests by imposing such outrageously expensive tolls, that tradesmen preferred using alternative routes, which had become more to the advantage of the Venetians, the Dutch, and the English, than to the German people themselves. This had to be changed.

According to the German historian Hermann Scherer,

The expansion of Amsterdam and of the Dutch market had given the last blow to the ancient commercial greatness of the German principalities. The Rhine River and later the Escaut, were closed to the German people; an arbitrary system of rights and tolls was established, and that became the end of wealth and prosperity in the heart of Europe. The defection of many Hanseatic cities from the interior, and the diminishing foreign trade of the Hanse, destabilized internal commerce and the relationship between the northern and southern regions of Germany. Add to this, the interminable wars, the religious conflicts and persecutions, and on top of all of this, the addition of customs barriers established under all sorts of pretexts, and for which the smallest princes of the empire added a cost as if it were an essential attribute of their microscopic sovereignty.[fn_1]

Each region was measuring its “sovereignty” by the power to raise Rhine customs fees. The interruptions of trade traffic between southern and northern Germany were bringing the German economy to a halt. This became particularly disastrous for Braunschweig and Erfurt, while Frankfurt-am-Main and Leipzig prospered, thanks to their annual fairs. The very geographic situation of Germany required precisely the opposite: that it free itself of the burden of customs barriers and open all of its internal mini-borders for anyone who wanted to trade in and out of the country, at low cost, not only north-south, but also east-west. Such were the conditions that Mazarin was attempting to address during the 1640s negotiating period of the Peace of Westphalia.

Fair Trade on Europe’s Rivers

Mazarin conducted a thorough study of the entire river system of the Hapsburg Empire, including the region of Poland. He established a complex intelligence network from among his German allies, to report back to the French negotiators who were involved in the preliminary negotiations for the Peace of Westphalia in Münster, and to inform them of how many German cities would be willing to increase their freedom within the Empire, by collaborating with France.

FIGURE 1
Three Centuries’ Canal and River Development Initiated by Mazarin and Colbert

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Mazarin examined closely the potential for a north-south expansion of trade and commerce of goods being produced along all of the rivers of the Empire (see Figure 1).

First, farthest east, on the northeastern border of the Hapsburg Holy Roman Empire, Mazarin studied the potential of the Vistula River going through the Polish regions of Silesia, Mazovia, and Eastern Prussia (today Poland), and emptying into the Baltic Sea near Gdańsk. That river provided for Gdańsk all of the riches coming from all of these regions, and could make it the major port city of Poland.

Second, he wrote of the Oder River—which also empties into the Baltic Sea—that if all of the commerce from the Brandenburg, Silesia, and Pomeranian plains were to flow into the city of Szczecin, it could transform that city into a major international port city.

Third, the Elbe River, which starts in Bohemia (today the Czech Republic) after having gone through Saxony and Brandenburg, then flows into the North Sea northwest of Hamburg. Mazarin noted that most of the goods coming from the provinces of Lower Germany also flowed northwestward past Dresden, Magdeburg, and Leipzig. Those cities could improve their economic situation by offering commercial houses for transshipment of regional goods to foreign countries.

Fourth, Mazarin was given a report that the Weser River, which also flows through the fertile regions of Middle Germany, could be provided with a number of canals acting as import and export channels, to make the city of Bremen on the Weser into a significant port.

Fifth, Mazarin saw another expansion of north-south trade by way of the Ems River, which crosses Westphalia, and brings all of the trade and commerce from Münster and the North Rhine region into a north-south axis opening to the North Sea.

Sixth, and farthest west, Mazarin studied the Rhine River as the most economically viable communication channel among Switzerland, Germany, France, and the Netherlands, connecting Mulhouse, Strasbourg, Mainz, Bonn, and Cologne, and carrying a great amount of trade from Alsace Lorraine, the Swiss Counties, Baden-Württemberg, and the Rhineland Palatinate, to its exit into the sea through the cities of Rotterdam and Amsterdam.

Mazarin saw that the surest way to bring about peace was to develop the general welfare of the German people, by developing, for their greatest advantage, the cities located at the mouths of these rivers or along them. Thus, those war-torn regions of the Empire could be rescued and rebuilt, by creating new infrastructure. He considered this to be the way to counter the British-Dutch mercantilist control over key cities of the Baltic and North Seas.

In 1642, Mazarin summoned his negotiators at Münster to announce and circulate everywhere that the precondition to the peace negotiations was to forbid the creation of new tolls along the Rhine River. The proposition was written as follows:

From this day forward, along the two banks of the Rhine River and from the adjacent provinces, commerce and transport of goods shall be free for transit for all of the inhabitants, and it will no longer be permitted to impose on the Rhine any new toll, open birthright, customs, or taxation of any denomination and of any sort, whatsoever.

Because the injunction included the mention “and from adjacent provinces,” it proposed to bring fair trade and economic expansion deeper into the heart of Germany.

Centuries of Canal Building

Under the protection of the French, as the guarantor of the Peace of Westphalia, the different princes of the Empire were able to establish a whole series of houses of commerce in Huningue, Strasbourg, Mannheim, Frankfurt an der Oder, Coblenz, and Cologne. Thus, Mazarin’s plan to build the economic basis for the nation-state of Germany began to take shape. With goods produced in France, Lower Bavaria, Upper Palatinate, Swabia, and so forth, the river communication system began to revive the economies of the cities of Huningue and Strasbourg, as well as to give access to Switzerland and to the extended parts of Austria.

The economic development was to go farther by access to the seventh and longest river in western Europe, the Danube, expanding the import-export trade of goods to and from Bavaria, Austria, Hungary, Serbia, Bulgaria, Romania, Moldavia, and all the way East to the mouth of the Danube in the Black Sea.

As early as 1642, Mazarin had singled out 28 primary cities along the Danube River alone. It is from this standpoint that a new understanding began to emerge from the rubble of war in Europe, capable of creating thousands of jobs and new markets along the main rivers of the Empire. It was under Mazarin and Colbert that the idea of a Rhine-Main-Danube canal began to be considered as a feasible project, a corridor of development only completed three centuries later, connecting the North Sea to the Black Sea.[fn_2]

By the time a number of Electors and princes began to realize that Mazarin’s project was entirely to their advantage, and decided to modify their allegiance to the Emperor, war had reduced the German people from 21 million to only 13 million as of 1648. Without peace, European civilization was going to be destroyed.

On the other hand, the Venetians saw that Mazarin was accelerating the process of negotiation in Münster, and that his economic initiatives with the German Electors were beginning to gain some momentum. Venice and the Hapsburgs saw the paradox—the more you increase economic freedom within the Empire, the more you are destroying that Empire itself—and smelled danger. The more the German leaders were won over to the principle of “the advantage of the other” (especially since they were “the other”), the closer they were to replacing the predatory Empire with nation-states. This principle had such a corroding effect on the minds of the Venetians and the Hapsburg Emperor that they were ultimately forced to accept the conditions set by Mazarin for the Peace of Westphalia, which was signed on Oct. 24, 1648, in Osnabrück for the Protestants, and in Münster for the Catholics.[fn_3]

Colbert and the Birth of Political Economy

Jean-Baptiste Colbert (1619-83) was, without a shadow of a doubt, the greatest political economist and nation-builder of the 17th Century, and his ideas and influence have determined the entire course of development of all modern nation-states, including the United States of America, since the Treaty of Westphalia.

Initially promoted as Steward of the Household of Cardinal Mazarin, Colbert later became Comptroller General of the Finances of France during most of the reign of Louis XIV. Colbert was the first world leader to successfully apply the new principle of Westphalia to economics, the which would later be followed successively by Gottfried Leibniz, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, John Quincy Adams, Henry C. Carey, Friedrich List, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.

Colbert’s seminal contribution to a humanist republican conception of political economy was initially reflected in France’s historic fight to liberate the peoples of Europe from the predatory control of the Austrian Hapsburg Empire, and from the central banking role of the Venetian and Dutch oligarchies. Colbert applied the principle of the Peace of Westphalia—that is, the principle of “the advantage of the other”—to a grand design of economic development of France itself.[fn_4]

For Colbert, the most important asset of the common good, and the most powerful enemy of war itself, was the development of infrastructure projects. Colbert carried the principle of benevolence of Cardinal Mazarin into large-scale economic development projects. If he was the farsighted forerunner of Leibniz, of Franklin, and of LaRouche, it was because his towering figure stood on the shoulders of Jeanne d’Arc, King Louis XI’s creation of the nation-state of France, King Henry IV (1589-1610), Henry’s minister the Duke of Sully, and Cardinal Mazarin. All were the most powerful enemies of British-Dutch-Venetian free-trade and “central bank” liberalism.

The very name of Colbertism, dirigism, still rings as anathema in the ears of the British-Dutch oligarchies today. In fact, any economic outlook organized by a strong centralized government that favors the common good through great public works, stems from Colbertism, and is anathema to British-Dutch monetarism, especially to the Dutch East India Company.[fn_5]

The Industrial Commonwealth Policy

Jean-Baptiste Colbert did not come from a noble family, as many historians have falsely claimed. He was the son of Nicholas Colbert and of Marie Pussort, she of a merchant family, who had traded in Reims and in Lyon from 1590 to 1635. This period was the turning point for French economic development, with the upsurge of manufacturing under Henry IV and his great advisor, the Duke of Sully. Nicholas’ brother, Odart Colbert, was a trader in Troyes, working with an Italian banker partner located in Paris, by the name of Gio-Andrea Lumagna, with whom he had developed an excellent trade in draperies, bolting-cloth, linen, silk, wines, and grains, which they produced in France and traded in England, the Low Countries, and Italy.

Jean-Baptiste worked for a few years in Lumagna’s bank until 1649, one year after the Treaty of Westphalia was signed, when Lumagna became the personal banker of Mazarin and recommended that Colbert become the Cardinal’s Steward of the Household. The meeting of such great minds foreshadowed a true French revolution.

Looking at Colbert from British and some American history books, one would become convinced that he was a mercantilist free trader. But anyone identifying Colbert as a mercantilist has to be either totally ignorant or a British agent, at best. The British hated Colbert precisely because he was not a mercantilist; he was feared because he was a humanist nation-builder. Colbert’s policy was to undertake and fund, from the royal coffers of Louis XIV, all forms of industry, mining, infrastructure, canal building, city building, beautification of the land through Ponts et Chaussées (Bridges and Roads), and Arts et Métiers (Arts and Crafts), including the promotion of all aspects of science through the creation of the Royal Academy of Sciences under the leadership of Christian Huygens.

Thus, clearly, Colbert’s idea of “the advantage of the other” was aimed at benefitting future generations. It precluded primarily the idea of competition, a politically correct term for enmity.

Colbert’s industrial protectionist system is generally known for four major reforms that marked the beginnings of the modern industrial nation-state:

1. He organized and funded a system of industrial corporations and infrastructure projects that provided job security for all types of skilled and non-skilled labor, that is, workers of all types of arts et métiers;

2. He established protectionist measures for all standardized French clothing products, such that no dumping of foreign goods was allowed in France, except at very high cost. Colbertism became synonymous with protectionism;

3. He funded and supported population growth, considering that war and ignorance were the two main causes of population reduction. He believed that the “government had to take care of its poor,” and that its role was to foster the increase of the population density of the nation; and

4. He accompanied industrial measures with a reform of civil justice that became the first Civil Code of France, lasting 130 years until it was destroyed by the imperialist code of Napoleon at the turn of the 18th Century.

These four points were enforced with total energy and determination, and with the full backing of the King of France. In other words, the entire Colbertian system of nation-building was based on state-controlled industrial development, combined with carefully selected and productive private initiatives.

Colbert cared for the nation as a farmer cares for his farm: The entire territory of France was meant to become the land where the common good was to grow unimpeded. He protected it, showered it with public funds, enriched it, and let others reap its beautiful fruits. He cultivated the common good by weeding out the privileges of aristocracy. He encouraged new industries and funded population growth by creating tax incentives and special bonuses for married couples. He put protectionist barriers all around France, against British, Dutch, and Belgian dumping. In one word, Colbert became the champion of skilled labor and the sworn enemy of the commercial aristocracy, which had been living off its privileges, as the feudal aristocracy had done during the past centuries.

So, Colbert re-established the priority of the “common good, the ‘Commonwealth’ of Louis XI.”

The following case suffices to make the point.

During the 1660s, there persisted a three-century-old privilege that dated back to the shameful 1358 edict of King Charles V, that stated that the laws of commerce “are made to profit and favor each craft rather than the common good.”[fn_6] Colbert turned this on its head, instituting his first Edict on April 8, 1666, which was made to secure all of the manufactures and factories of the kingdom for the benefit of the common good. From that day on, Colbert wrote hundreds of measures and regulations until the entire garden of France began to bloom again, after the devastation of the religious wars.

From 1666 on, Colbert not only asserted total control over the production of all French clothing goods, but he instituted a master’s degree for the work force, in order to improve the quality of all manufactured products.

Colbert invested about £5 million a year from the coffers of the King in new manufacturing endeavors. This money went for improvements in technology, for improving skills of the workers to raise the quality of the products, and for incentives to population growth. A lot of the new technologies were imported from Italy, Holland, and elsewhere, to improve the quality of tapestries, linens, silks, etc.; but most of the improvement was done on location. Historian Pierre Clement reports that Colbert—

stopped at nothing in order to fortify the new establishments; each dyeing manufacturer received £1,200 of encouragement; the workers who married girls of the locality where they were employed, would receive a bonus of 6 pistoles, plus 2 pistoles at the birth of their first child. All apprentices were given £30 and their own tools at the end of their apprenticeship. Lastly, the tax collectors were ordered to give a tax exemption of £5 for those employed in certain more privileged manufactures.[fn_7]

Colbert further established that all workers who married under the age of 20 were exempt from taxes (tailles and other public charges) for a period of five years, and four years if they married at 21. The very same advantages were extended to older workers who had 10 children, including those who died in combat. As of July 1667, all workers who had 10 children could receive a pension of £1,000 a year, and £2,000 a year if they had 12 children. After 16 years of such a regime, from 1667 to 1683, the French population had reached a level of 20 million, the largest national population in all of Europe. The policy was called Colbert’s “revenge of the cradles” (revanche des berceaux). The same policy was established in the French colony of Canada.

Colbert’s Reform of Justice

The reform of the civil justice system, in 1669, was one of Colbert’s greatest and most enduring achievements. It was so efficient and complete that it became accepted as the Civil Code of France for a period of 138 years, until the feudalist faction of the French oligarchy replaced it with the Code Napoleon in 1807, and turned France, one more time, back to a fascist imperial police state. The Code Napoleon rules France to this day.

In the spirit of Mazarin, Colbert was able to launch a great offensive against the very powerful aristocracy of France, and go against all odds; that is, against both public opinion and backward local prejudices, to implement his reforms. He established a most sweeping reform of justice, succeeding in accomplishing what even the great Sully before him had attempted, but was not able to do. Colbert systematically extirpated venality (the practice of buying public offices and profiting from them). He established a system of state counsellors to replace the old civil order of Roman law, and totally transformed the traditional, regional, customary law. One of his most effective administrators and collaborators was the King’s Counsellor to the Parliament of Toulouse (Court of Justice), the famous mathematician, Pierre de Fermat.

As early as the reign of Louis X le Hutin (1314-16), judicial offices had been sold to the nobility at a minimal fee paid to the King, but they brought incredible profits to the office holders. This was done as a matter of course, under the absolutely trusting, axiomatic assumption that “the monarchical system was based on honor and that the nature of honor is to have for Censor, the entire universe” (Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Law). This being the case, why should anyone raise an eyebrow about the “honesty” of any member of the Court to whom the public good was entrusted? As Montesquieu himself argued, after all, “No one believes he is lowering himself by accepting a public function.”

However, the heart of man being everywhere the same, Colbert understood very well that, under any government, at any time, the honor of fulfilling the duties of an office of state can always be mixed with a certain amount of personal interest, which brings justice to tilt its balance to one side rather than the other.

For example, public opinion had it, in those days of the monarchy, that the rich were not only better off, but also better educated than the rest of the population, and because of that, they had more dignity and impartiality; and since paying for their public office was a way to bring in money for the King, they demonstrated themselves less venal than others, and therefore should not pay any taxes; because the investment of their capital was obviously benefiting the kingdom more than could the people with less money, and whose contribution to the common good was less than their own, and should therefore be made to pay taxes more readily. And, that is the way the balance of justice tilted for centuries.

The most famous example of abuse of public trust during that period was known as the Fouquet Affair, the scandalous case of the Superintendent of Finances of King Louis XIV. In November 1661, Colbert forced Nicolas Fouquet to be brought before the tribunal for having stolen an immense fortune from different public offices, and from the treasury of the King. [Box: Principles of Westphalia]

Acting as a central banker, and borrowing for the King and Mazarin—to whom bankers were told not to lend any money—Fouquet had been playing the interest rates game in his favor; and since he had all of the controls to blur the differences between public and personal interests, he was able to hide a huge fortune, until Colbert got a whiff of it. In one instance, Fouquet had managed to reassign to his own bank account the value of a loan that was never made, but for which the State “repaid” him £6 million. During the last four months before his trial, he had managed to siphon off a total of £4 million in amounts of between £10,000 to £140,000 that he stole from the different tax-farms of the Charente, Pied-Fourche, Lyon, Bordeaux, the Dauphine, etc. Fouquet had even prepared himself a fortified refuge in Belle-Isle, in case of disgrace.

In 1661, the government brought him to trial, where he was found guilty of massive embezzlement. All of his goods were confiscated, he was condemned to exile, and then later imprisoned for life in the fortress of Pignerol.[fn_8]

A Coup d’État Against the Oligarchy

In March 1661, the 23-year-old King Louis XIV replaced Nicolas Fouquet with Colbert as the Superintendent of Finances. If Louis XIV was so upset by corruption, it was not because of moral indignation, but because it was taking place under his watch. Colbert recognized that fact and did not miss a moment in applying the principle which Alexander the Great used to get his (indifferent) generals to act effectively.

Never was there as effective and universal a minister as Colbert, during the entire history of France. Formed at the school of Sully and Mazarin, Colbert served during 22 years successively as the Superintendent of Buildings, Controller General of Finances, Secretary of State of the Maison du Roi, Secretary of State of the Navy, Minister of Trade and Commerce, and last but not least, the equivalent of a Minister of Sciences and Technology. He made profound reforms in all of these public domains, including criminal justice, commerce, police, fine arts, water and forestry.

After the scandalous trial of Fouquet, Colbert became a popular hero, and was given the green light for the creation of a Chamber of Justice that he had already proposed to Mazarin, in 1659. This Chamber of Justice was composed of the presidents and top counsellors of the Parliaments of Paris, Toulouse, Grenoble, Bordeaux, Dijon, Rouen, etc. In all, 27 judges were commissioned by Colbert to clean up the biggest financial mess the nation had ever seen.

Colbert’s edict, which circulated in every city of the kingdom, stipulated that all of the financial officers of the nation who had been at their posts since 1635 were required to establish a justification for all of their legitimate goods, including their inheritances, the acquisitions they had made, and the amounts given to their children for anything from weddings to acquisition of offices. If the information was not given to the attorney general within eight days, all of their goods and properties were to be confiscated.

Colbert established all sorts of means to force the truth out into the open. The edict stipulated that the King would reward an accuser with the value of one-sixth of the fine given to anyone convicted of fraud, financial abuse, or embezzlement. On Sunday, Dec. 11, 1661, as well as on the following three Sundays, Colbert had all of the curates of the Paris churches make the announcement that the parishioners, under threat of excommunication, were obliged to speak out about all known financial abuse in their parish.

The first operations of the Chamber of Justice created total panic throughout Paris. Friends of Fouquet, such as François Vatel, Braun, and Jean Herauld Gourville, left for London; others were tried and sentenced. After a few financiers were sent to the Bastille, the whole nation began to realize that Colbert really meant business. Then a lot of people began to be identified to the Chamber of Justice.

After Colbert made a public showcase of this insane system, the idea of buying a public office became so unpopular that people circulated a Colbert quip that said: “Each time the King creates an office, a new idiot is created to buy it.” The reforms were so sweeping that in only a few years, a total of £419 million was recovered from the income of venal offices, and no fewer than 40,000 noble families were affected by this axiomatic change.

All of those funds were then invested in Colbert’s program of development of new industries. Slowly, but surely, the balance of justice began to tilt back toward the common good.

The Royal Academy of Sciences

The greatest achievement of Colbert was the creation of the Royal Academy of Sciences and its technological projects. This was not just another academic teaching institution, but rather, a research center for scientific and technological development that had the mission of creating innovations in specific areas of scientific activities: to improve economic development in the fields of astronomy, chemistry, optical physics, geometry, geography, industrial engineering, canal building, agriculture, and navigation. Each area was to be oriented toward technological advances through the application of new discoveries of physical principles. This Colbertian Academy of Sciences became the model institution from which Gottfried Leibniz later created his academies in Berlin and St. Petersburg.

In 1662, Colbert’s good friend and collaborator, the Toulouse Counsellor of Parliament and mathematician Pierre de Fermat, joined Blaise Pascal, Gilles de Roberval, Pierre Gassendi, and a few others, to form the core of a society that met regularly, and in private with Colbert in the Royal Library, until the time the Academy was to be officially located in the Louvre Museum in 1699. Scientists and mathematicians from all over Europe were invited to join the new institution—all of whom had been challenged, in 1658, by the young Pascal into discovering a geometric construction for determining the characteristics of the cycloid curve.

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Sébastien Le Clerc I, 1671
A method of accurately determining longitude, derived at Colbert’s Royal Academy of Sciences, advanced the geographic knowledge of Europe. New geodesic studies resulted in improved maps and sailing charts. The first truly accurate map of France and its provinces, in 1744 (bottom) was the work of three generations of work by the Cassini family. At top, Louis XIV visiting the astronomy room of the Royal Academy of Sciences.

The offers of salaries and pensions were very attractive, and the prospects of collaborating with the best scientists of Europe were even better. Colbert sent out personal invitations to the Dutch astronomer and geometer Christian Huygens, one of the few to solve Pascal’s cycloid problem; the Italian astronomer and civil-military engineer Gian Domenico Cassini; the young Danish astronomer who was to establish the speed of light, Ole Rømer; the German mathematician Ehrenfried Walther von Tschirnhaus; the German astronomer Johann Hevelius; the Florentine geometer Vincent Viviani; and even the British mathemagician Isaac Newton. Huygens, Cassini, and Rømer immediately accepted the invitations; others accepted a little later.

On Dec. 22, 1666, Huygens was nominated as President of the Royal Academy.

Colbert believed that the most important means of securing the future of France was to persuade the young King to fund and support great scientific and technological projects that would both increase the power of the nation internally, and extend its contributions abroad.

There were several great projects of note. One was an accurate method for the determination of longitude, a project as old as the Platonic Academy of Alexandria, following through the astronomical discoveries of Erastosthenes and Hipparchus. This caused a major advance in the geographic knowledge of Europe by improving the accuracy of maps and sailing charts through the introduction of new geodesic studies (the Cassini maps), a precursor to the revolutionary study that Carl Gauss made two centuries later. This effort resulted in the first accurate knowledge of the Earth’s geography. Parallel to it, was the creation of the Paris Observatory, and the successful precision grinding of very powerful telescope lenses, designed and hand-polished by Huygens himself.

The second and most far-reaching scientific breakthroughs came with new discoveries in the field of optical physics, especially the revolutionary discovery of principle by Rømer in the determination of the finite speed of light; by Huygens in the discovery that light propagates in spherical waves; by Fermat in demonstrating the principle of least-time in light refraction; and by Leibniz with the revolutionary application of his least-action principle to optical processes by means of his calculus.[fn_9]

A third project, involving the special collaboration of Huygens and Leibniz, was the development of a steamboat invented by Denis Papin.[fn_10]

In 1673, Leibniz built a working model of a calculating machine with the collaboration of the Royal Librarian Pierre de Carcavy, and Huygens. It became such a success that he was immediately asked to build three models, one for the new Observatory, one for the King, and one for Colbert.

After Colbert died in 1683, a new witch-hunt began against the Protestants of France, and the Academy suffered greatly when, in 1685, under the revocation by Louis XIV of the Edict of Nantes, which had guaranteed freedom of religion for Protestants since Henry IV, Ole Rømer and the other “undesirable Protestant,” Christian Huygens, were forced out of the country. The Academy survived for a hundred years under Fontenelle, Condorcet, and Lavoisier, but was ultimately destroyed in 1793 by the Jacobin counter-revolution.

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Sergent-Marceau
Colbert presents plan for the Canal royal en Languedoc to Louis XIV in 1668.

Continental Challenge to the ‘Sea Powers’

But the most immediate and powerful industrial result of Colbert’s Academy project, was the realization of the greatest hydraulic engineering masterpiece of the era—the Languedoc Canal.

The Canal Royal en Languedoc (built 1667-81), known also as the Canal du Midi, was a typical example of how Colbert, and his engineer protégé, Pierre-Paul Riquet, realized the Mazarin principle of the Peace of Westphalia. In fact, the Languedoc Canal represented, for several hundred years, the most advanced form of hydraulic technology in the world, and the most economical route for the transport of merchandise between the northern nations—Sweden, Denmark, Poland, Northern Germany, Belgium—and the southern nations of Italy, Greece, Venice, the Balkan States, Turkey, Africa, and the Orient. The construction of the canal provided a short-cut route of 240 kilometers (145 miles) across France, saving 3,000 kilometers represented by the sailing around Spain; and an economy of taxes, by avoiding the Hapsburg Empire’s tolls at the choke point of Gibraltar.

Had the British and Dutch monopolies of the time been reasonable in their trade negotiations with France, this fair-trade system would have also brought down their costs of goods.

As far as external commerce is concerned, Colbert always extended the same fair trade policy to all nations, including the liberal free-traders Holland and England. But neither the liberal Dutch nor the English accepted Colbert’s policy of fair trade. That is why Colbert had to send his toughest ambassador to London: his own brother, Charles Colbert de Croissy, the same who had served Mazarin as ambassador to Vienna in 1660.

After a number of tough negotiating years, in which Charles Colbert was forced to make a certain number of sacrifices, an amusing point of contention came up that could serve as a precursor to the antics of Lewis Carroll in his book, Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland. In 1669, Colbert reminded his ambassador “not to be duped” by British pretentions on the high seas; the issue related to the British Admiralty requesting the right to be saluted first on all of the seas of the globe.

In a letter dated July 21, 1669, Colbert wrote his brother a note in which he stated:

As far as the Ocean is concerned, even though they [the British] are the more powerful, we have not, until now, come to the view that their pretended sovereignty has been recognized; therefore it pertains to the common good of the two nations, and of the interests of the two kings, to establish this parity on all of the seas…. As for the treaty on commerce, the ideas of Lord Arlington are very reasonable, since they tend to establish a reciprocal treatment between the two Kingdoms.

Colbert ended up recommending that “salutes” be considered optional; but the liberal free-trade policy of England remained on a steady course.

The control of sea-lanes by the financial oligarchies of maritime powers such as the Venetians or the British-Dutch East India company monopolies, was being challenged by Colbert’s emphasis on a dirigist continental infrastructure project, as the growth principle for economic development of sovereign nation-states. The same principle is applicable today, with the LaRouche Eurasian Land-Bridge concept, in which all European governments see the benefit of Asiatic nations as the natural outlet for export of their technologies. The proposed agreements for the extension of the German-Chinese magnetic-levitation Transrapid train, already commercialized in Shanghai since Jan. 1, 2003, are a prime example of this type of fair trade, technology-sharing policy.

Economics of Generosity:
The Languedoc Canal

The Languedoc Canal Project was the greatest project of the 17th Century: a triumph of engineering skills, built by a self-made geometer-engineer, Pierre-Paul Riquet. This Herculean task, which had been deemed impossible since Roman times, was a gigantic water infrastructure work that Charlemagne himself had dreamed of building. In 1516, François I had asked Leonardo da Vinci’s advice on the feasibility of a canal in that region of France. Leonardo actually spent his last years in Amboise, studying possible canal connections between the Loire and the Seine Rivers. Other studies had been made for a canal through the Languedoc region during the reigns of Charles IX, Henry III, Henry IV, and Louis XIII.

It was not until Colbert that a solution, to what had become known as the impossible Canal du Midi, was discovered.

There were four main reasons for the construction of this great canal:

First, coming out of the Thirty Years’ War, this canal project corresponded to a greatly needed change of strategy and of political economy for the entirety of Europe. As we have said, the crossing of France by canal, between the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea, provided French and allied ships with a strategic by-pass of Gibraltar, an area that had become very dangerous, and quite costly, during the interminable wars with Spain and the Austrian Hapsburg Empire.

Second, the canal set the example for joint public and private infrastructure development projects along waterways of any nation, providing improvements for land-locked areas, and opening them up to increasing exchange of cultures with other regions and other nations. Moreover, both the King and Riquet were to receive a regular income stream from low-fee tolls. The canal was going to pay for itself in a very short period of time, and provide a small margin of profit, enough for repairs and for the introduction of new technologies. Riquet made it explicit that he had no intention of building the canal for the purpose of financial gain.

Thus, the Peace of Westphalia trade and commerce studies, made earlier by Mazarin for the benefit of the seven river regions of the Hapsburg Empire, became a renewed focus of interest. The canal was going to create the greatest import-export capabilities ever imagined for that time.

Third, the canal provided for an extraordinary increase of economic activities in the Province of Languedoc itself, where Upper Languedoc wheat production could be shipped easily eastward to the wheat-starved Lower Languedoc region. In exchange, the Lower-Languedoc production of excellent wines could be easily shipped westward, while the linen and silk goods of Lyons could also travel the same route.

This corridor also provided the entire region from Toulouse to Beziers with the development of new olive groves, vineyards, greater expansion of granaries in the Lauragais region, new trading companies and gristmills, and prospects for mining. The more farsighted citizens of Castelnaudary, for example, even paid Riquet to divert the canal toward their town. Riquet also projected the creation of new towns along the canal route.

Fourth, and not least, the entire course of the 240-kilometer canal was going to be carved into one of the most beautiful landscapes in the world, and was going to be covered with 130 arched bridges built by the “beautifying engineers” of the Ponts et Chaussées. Colbert and Riquet were both of the conviction that if something is beautiful, it is useful!

Riquet’s ‘Parting of Waters’ Paradox

However magnificent the idea was, and however great the advantages were anticipated to be, all of the proposals to link the Atlantic Ocean and Mediterranean Sea with a canal, during a period of 1,000 years, were demonstrated to be totally impracticable, and plans presented by the best engineers in the world, were rejected each time..

There were two ostensible reasons why this project was considered to be impossible. One was that the two rivers flowing respectively into the Atlantic and the Mediterranean—the Garonne and the Aude—could not be connected because of difficulties of terrain between them; and the technology to raise any great quantity of water upwards of 190 meters above sea level did not exist. The other reason was that there was no other visible source in this quasi-desert region of Provence that could provide the canal with the required amounts of water.

However, there was a third and more profound and subjective reason. All of the canal plans were rejected because none of them reflected the necessary discovery of principle that would make it work. Just as Filippo Brunelleschi had discovered the physical geometric principle of the catenary for the erection of the “impossible” dome of the Florence Cathedral, Riquet had discovered the required physical geometric principle that solved the problem of the “impossible” Languedoc Canal.

Pierre-Paul Riquet (1604-80) was a descendent of a Florentine family by the name of Arrighetti, changed to Riquetty, and then to Riquet. His father, the Count of Camaran, who was a public prosecutor for the Crown, educated his son in public management and got him a post in the administration of Beziers in the Languedoc region. As a young man, Riquet attended the council meetings of the Counts of Languedoc with his father, at several of which there were presentations of canal projects “linking the two seas.” After witnessing several unsuccessful debates on the question, Pierre-Paul Riquet became passionate about finding a solution to this “impossible problem.”

Since Riquet did make the discovery, and built the canal, the following description must hold some truth, with respect to the discovery which must have happened in the mind of this great man.

One day, a paradox must have struck Riquet; an anomaly in the form of a simple question must have struck him: “How can the flow of a canal go in two directions at once?” In a way, it was a very simple question; but none of the other engineers over centuries, who had looked instead for ways to connect up the river courses of Languedoc, seemed to have approached the problem quite this way.

That the question was vital to Riquet, is shown by the fact that he had a drawing made, sometime after his discovery, to commemorate a pedagogical reconstruction of his principle. It showed himself demonstrating to the Commissioners of the King and of the States, the solution to the problem that he had called—in a reference to the Moses miracle at the Red Sea—“the parting of the waters.”

The drawing simply shows how a stone, placed before the water rising from the Fontaine La Grave, on the Plateau de Naurouze, divided the stream of water into two opposite directions, one part flowing west, toward the Atlantic Ocean, and the other flowing east, toward the Mediterranean Sea. Riquet’s paradox had become a metaphor for what he then began to call the “canal of the two seas.” He had generated a solution in principle to the “impossible” canal.

The “canal of the two seas” became his life’s mission. Year in and year out, Riquet experimented, created model projects on his own land, and studied different locations around Montagne Noire, travelling the distance many times, searching for the solution to the source of water that would connect the two seas. If the illustration of the “parting of the waters” showed the principle, the fulfillment of that principle was going to be another matter altogether.

There was only one ideal spot in the entire expanse between the two seas where Riquet’s principle could be applied, and that had to be precisely at the highest point that divided the entire region between West and the East. And when Riquet found that unique spot, there was no source of water at that location.

The Engineering Task

It was not until the ripe age of 58, after serving the government of Colbert as a Controller of the Salt Tax (gabelle) in the region of the Languedoc for 20 years, that Riquet confirmed his hypothesis by conducting a crucial experiment. By that time, he had enough of a personal fortune to invest in his “grand design,” as he called it. Riquet asked Colbert to let him resign, and to hire him as chief engineer of the canal project. Colbert agreed, and got his Toulouse Counsellor, Pierre de Fermat, to authorize the project that was going to be built in his jurisdiction.

Riquet was able to solve his paradox by demonstrating how the result of its resolution was going to express itself in the increase of man’s mastery over nature, in a definite increase in man’s potential relative population-density. He knew beforehand, that the construction of the canal would create an expansion in markets inward and outward, which would result especially in the increase of French production of wheat, wines, and fabrics being exported toward England, Sweden, Germany, Holland, Italy, Greece, and so forth.

A Languedoc teacher, Philippe Calas, living today near Béziers, shows on his website called “Le Canal du Midi en Languedoc,” how Riquet tackled the different engineering problems. He writes:

But there was one overwhelming problem facing all of these would-be canal builders: how to supply such an engineering work with water? One part of the route represented no such problem. The section from Toulouse to the Atlantic could be achieved by the canalization of the River Garonne, navigable along this stretch. But from Toulouse at one end of the canal proper, to sea level at the other (Mediterranean end), the canal would have to rise to a summit of 190 meters. How could enough water be found to keep the canal flowing at a constant rate, and at what point should this water be supplied to it in order to distribute it evenly to the western section flowing toward Toulouse and the eastern section flowing towards Béziers?

FIGURE 2
The Languedoc Canal, Great Project of the 17th Century
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Source: EIRNS.
The Languedoc Canal, connecting the Atlantic and Mediterranean Seas across southern France, built between 1667 and 1681, had been a dream for centuries. Solving the “impossible” paradox of creating a water source that could flow in two directions—eastward and westward—it was the greatest civil engineering project of the 17th Century. It contributed to shifting commerce from “free-trade” control of the sea lanes toward fair-trade development in the interior of the continent. The project became a model for much larger continental projects such as the Rhine-Main-Danube Canal built during the 20th Century.

And who would be foolish enough to think that such a fantastic source of water could ever be found in the quasi-barren mountains of the Languedoc?

FIGURE 3
The Transaqua Project
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EIRNS/John Sigerson
The same nation-building principle applied to a proposed infrastructural great project today: the plan to create a canal to recharge the disappearing Lake Chad in Africa’s Sahel, by draining part of the catchment area of the Zaire River’s great flow. The urgent project will not be done without the kind of public credit strategy pioneered by Colbert, known since then as “dirigism.”

As soon as he was ready to make his experiment known, Riquet wrote to Colbert, who immediately saw the solution, and was won over to the project. Colbert always appreciated the character of a man who could not be shaken from a true discovery, and he knew he could absolutely count on Riquet to bring the great work to success, if he gave him the necessary backup. The engineering task was to assemble enough water in a catch basin—from what today would be called a “catchment area” of subsurface water—and at the highest elevation, which could supply all of the necessary water to flow with gravity continuously into a westward slope toward the Atlantic and into an eastward slope toward the Mediterranean, each in a controlled manner.

Riquet found several hidden springs and streams in the vicinity of Montagne Noire, less than halfway between Carcassonne and Toulouse, which could supply a reservoir to be built at Saint-Ferriol. This reservoir of water had to hold a large enough supply of water to feed the canal all year round, including during periods of extreme drought, which occurs regularly in Provence. The reservoir was also to be supplemented by three additional sources—the Sor River, the Alzau stream, and the Fresquel River. A series of secondary basins had also to be constructed, to control the deliveries of the many flows.

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M. Strīķis
The beautiful Languedoc Canal is still in regular use, 341 years after its “impossible” construction. Its revolutionary features included lining the canal with trees to stabilize its banks. Here, a section of the canal at Carcassonne, Languedoc-Roussillon.

Canal and Ports du Midi

In his first testing experiment, Riquet spent £200,000 to build a drainage trench demonstrating to the Council of the State of Languedoc how the whole system would work. At that occasion, on Nov. 27, 1664, Riquet wrote to Colbert, saying:

But in this case [the drainage trench experiment], I am putting at risk both my fortune and my honor, and they won’t fail me. In fact, it seems more reasonable that I shall acquire a little more of one as well as of the other, when I come out of this successfully. I hope to be in Paris during the month of January next…. And then, Monseigneur, I shall have the honor of telling you, in person, and in a better fashion, all my sentiments on the subject. And you will find them reasonable because I will have established precise propositions that will consequently be in accordance with your wish; and in which case I shall follow my natural inclination of frankness and freedom, and without quibbling.

On May 25, 1665, Riquet was in Paris meeting with Colbert, who gave him his patent papers securing him in his rights of ownership. Two months after, on the last day of July, Riquet wrote Colbert, filled with the excitement of Archimedes coming out of his bathtub. His experiment was a total success! He wrote:

Many people will be surprised to see how little time I have taken, and little expense I have used. As for the success, it is infallible, but in a totally new fashion, that no one ever thought of, including myself. I can swear to you that the pathway I have now discovered had always been unknown to me, regardless of all the efforts I had made in attempting to discover it. The idea came to me in Saint-Germain, which is quite far away, and my musing proved me right about those locations.[fn_11]

By 1666, after Riquet had developed extensive feasibility studies and established the financial conditions for the construction of the entire canal, he got permission from Colbert to begin the first phase of construction. The entire project was going to be built in three phases, and be financed both by the State and through private means (Riquet’s).

Phase one, which was to be financed entirely by Riquet himself, included the hydraulic work of a catch basin—the Saint-Ferriol reservoir at the foot of Montagne Noire—with a capacity of 6 million cubic meters of water, the largest man-made lake ever built up to that time; and the building of the Toulouse-Trebes section of the canal going west toward the Atlantic. This reservoir was going to supply the water for the entire work.

The second phase, to be financed by the State, included the canal section from the reservoir to the fishing village of Cette (today called Set), on the Mediterranean.

The third phase, also to be financed by the State, included the creation of a major seaport facility at Set.

Moreover, the canal presented several extremely difficult engineering feats, such as having to go through the Malpas Mountain in an excavated tunnel of 173 meters in length, and then pass as an aquaduct for several hundred yards over the Ord River. The entire project originally contained 75 locks, took 14 years to build, and cost the royal treasury more than £7.7 million, not including the £4 million invested by Riquet personally. Louis XIV and Jean-Baptiste Colbert inaugurated the canal at Set, on May 24, 1681.

Although Riquet, who died eight months earlier, had not lived to see his masterpiece of engineering completed, he had lived and communicated to others the joy of immortality, and was comforted in the knowledge that he had brought a great contribution to mankind. At the turn of the 18th Century, the famous military engineer and admirer of Riquet, Marshal Sébastien de Vauban, made some important improvements and a number of significant additions to the canal. Today, the canal is still in operation, for both trade and tourism.[fn_12]

Riquet also broke new ground in fostering “the advantage of the other” by providing exceptional benefits for his own workers. The Canal Company had a 12,000-man workforce, divided into 240 brigades of 50 men each. These represented the best-paid workers of the period for this type of construction work. Riquet had gotten from Colbert a royal order to pay, for the security of his workers, a salary of £10 a month per worker, which included modest living quarters, Sundays and religious and national holidays off, plus complete medical coverage and full disability in case of injury or death. The royal order also stipulated that “those who present themselves must be fit to do the work, not incapacitated in any way, and must not be younger than twenty years of age or older than fifty.” Riquet’s enemies were very upset, because other workers in the region of Languedoc began to demand similar working conditions.

Riquet’s royal charter for the protection of his labor force was the first of its kind in the history of Europe, guaranteeing the equivalent of good “union wages and conditions.”

The Principle of Discovery

How was Riquet’s canal plan going to guarantee success, when all of the others had failed? How can you guarantee that the LaRouche project of the Eurasian Land-Bridge will succeed, when all free-trade proposals have failed miserably? The answer to these questions lies in the fact that both Riquet and LaRouche understand the principle of discovery.

The irony of Riquet’s discovery was that, while everybody else was trying to use the waters of two rivers whose flows were contrary, and could not be made to climb up to 190 meters above sea level, Riquet solved the problem by tapping the waters of far-away desert streams—up to 65 kilometers away from the canal’s path—and sent them flowing into the only spot from which “the parting of the waters” could send the flows down in two directions at once! The idea was brilliant and the fruit of a true genius.

It is amazing how apparently unsolvable problems get resolved, when they are viewed from above the domain of sense perception. Riquet’s project was so successful, that when Marshal de Vauban visited the site a few years after its completion, he remarked: “There is, however, something missing here: there is no statue of Riquet.”

In May 1788, a year after visiting the south of France, the United States’ Minister to France, Thomas Jefferson, sent some notes about the construction of the Canal of Languedoc to George Washington. Jefferson wrote:

Having in the Spring of the last year taken a journey through the southern parts of France, and particularly examined the canal of Languedoc, through its whole course, I take the liberty of sending you the notes I made on the spot, as you may find in them something perhaps which may be turned to account some time or other in the prosecution of the Patowmac [Potomac] canal.

Jefferson’s acute interest in the Canal du Midi is one more example showing how the economics of the Peace of Westphalia had found its manifest destiny in America.[fn_13]

Under Colbert’s policy, France once again embraced the “principle of benevolence” that Louis XI had institutionalized from the sublime courage of Jeanne d’Arc. The so-called “religious wars” which had decimated Europe for over a century and a quarter, were stopped and overcome. Never, during such a short period as the Mazarin-Colbert reforms, had so much evil been defeated by such a simple and effective principle as “the advantage of the other,” or the common good. Without it, the Peace of Westphalia of 1648, and the era of sovereign nation-states which it launched, would not have been possible.


[fn_1] Hermann Scherer, Histoire du commerce de toutes les nations depuis les temps anciens jusqu’a nos jours, Tôme seconde. Paris: Capelle, Libraire-Editeur, 1857, p. 548. [back to text for fn_1]

[fn_2] The Mazarin plan for developing rivers and canals inside Germany made its way across the empire, and was finally realized in the reigns of the Grand Elector, Frederick William I (1620-88), the founder of the German nation-state, and his successor, Frederick II, the Great (1712-86). According to Scherer, op. cit., it was Frederick II who fully succeeded in creating a real internal economic system centered on a series of canals connecting the rivers from east to west. After Frederick William I built the great trench that connected the Oder and the Elbe rivers in 1668:

“Frederick II continued the canal works of his predecessor. In Westphalia, the Ruhr was made navigable, and an outlet was created to the saline Unna. The canal of Plauen established the most direct connection between the Elbe, the Havel, and the Spree; the Finow canal connected the Havel and the Oder; the Bromberg canal connected the Oder and the Vistula. These navigable channels soon gave a tremendous impulse to the commerce of the steppes and to the neighboring provinces with the basin of the Elbe, Silesia and Poland, and thus contributed greatly to the rise of Berlin as a commercial city.” (Scherer, op. cit., p. 581)

These canal routes correspond today to the different sections of the Mittelland Canal crossing Germany west-east, connecting all of its main rivers from the Rhine to the Vistula and linking the main cities of Bonn, Münster, Osnabrück, Hanover, Braunschweig, Magdeburg, Berlin, and the Polish city of Bydgoszcz (Bramberg). [back to text for fn_2]

[fn_3] See Pierre Beaudry, “Peace of Westphalia: France’s Defense of the Sovereign Nation,” EIR, Vol. 29, No. 46, Nov. 29, 2002, pp. 18-33. [back to text for fn_3]

[fn_4] This principle of benevolence has its political roots in the policy of France’s Henry IV and the Duke of Sully, in the aftermath of the Saint Bartholomew’s Day religious massacre of 1572. As Sully had emphasized to the King later:

“Your intention must be to truly seek all of the means to have them [potentates] live in peace and tranquility among themselves, constantly soliciting them to establish a peace or a truce, whenever there should be contention or diversity of pretentions; and always to endeavor to put forward, with whomever you are dealing, your generous resolution whereby you wish everything for the others, and nothing for yourself” [emphasis added]. Maximilien de Bethune, Duc de Sully, Memoires des sages et royales oeconomies d’estat, domestiques, politiques, et militaires de Henry le Grand, par M.M. Michaud et Poujoulat, Tôme deuxième, Paris, chez l’editeur du commentaire analytique du Code Civil, 1837, p. 151. [back to text for fn_4]

[fn_5] Since the discovery of America and of maritime routes to India, the control of sea-lanes and the monopoly of world trade by global merchant companies have been the main interests of a few maritime financial oligarchies. They have been centered most prominently, during successive periods of history, in the cities of Venice, Amsterdam, and London, whence they wielded the power of their central banking interests over most of the national economies of the planet.

The 17th-Century Dutch East India Company was such a commercial house. It was created on March 20, 1602, for the purpose of establishing a monopoly of trading in the Far East. The new company was placed under the control of the Duke, William of Orange, in Amsterdam, and was composed of 60 administrators elected by the shareholders—that is, by themselves—to form a General Estates that became the real, behind-the-scenes government of Holland. It was a kind of parliamentary group composed of six different chambers, located respectively in Amsterdam, Middelburg, Delft, Rotterdam, Horn, and Enkhuisen.

Their control mechanisms were not unlike the European parliamentary system of today, under the Maastricht Treaty and its central banking arrangement. The general business of international trade was put into the hands of a smaller group of seven directors who would meet, several times a year, in Amsterdam, to determine the number of ships to send out, the period of their voyage, the times of their departure and return, and their specific destinations and cargoes. The directors’ executive orders had to be obeyed to the letter, with the strictest of discipline.

According to its charter, which was later copied by the British East India Company, the Dutch Company was the only one authorized to trade with the East Indies, and no one else from Holland was allowed to engage in any such trading for his own personal benefit. In fact, no other Dutch ship was allowed to take the route of the Cape of Good Hope, or Cape Horn, without the permission of the Dutch East India Company. Furthermore, it had the exclusive right to establish colonies, coin money, nominate or eliminate high functionaries of government, sign treaties with other nations, and even make war against them. This Hobbesian trading arrangement was so powerful that it had life-and-death control over all of the sea-lanes of the world, and of the colonies the Company looted for their labor and products. Holland was no longer a country with a company, but a company with a country.

In his Histoire du Commerce de toutes les Nations, the 19th-Century German historian Hermann Scherer described the monopolistic so-called free trade of the Dutch Company. In 1602, after expelling the Portuguese by force from the Molucca Islands in Indonesia, the men of Admiral Warwyk’s 14 ships occupied the most important islands, especially Java, and made exclusive contacts with the indigenous tribes, for the complete control of spice production and trade of the entire region, that is, to the exclusion of any other country.

Scherer reported: “They [the Dutch East India Company] made war on nature itself, by letting her grow her goods exclusively where they intended to have complete control, and by destroying crops everywhere else. A company order restricted the growth of nutmeg trees on the island of Banda; another imposed a ban on cloves on the island of Ambon. In all of the other Molucca Islands, trees had to be burnt and slashed, and any new plantation was forbidden under threat of severe punishment. Treaties were agreed upon with the indigenous people, which sometimes had to be imposed by force of arms. The Islands were closed to foreign ships, and contraband was watched for, day and night. The whole thing was organized in order to maintain a complete monopoly, and to prevent any price fluctuation in Europe.” (Scherer, op. cit., p. 259.)

After a few years of success that had surpassed all of its anticipations, the Dutch East India Company was transformed into a new colonial and political empire. The Dutch Company even made war against British colonial interests in Jakarta. The British knew precisely what the Dutch were up to, and they wanted a piece of the action. In 1618, Adm. Jean Koen fought the British in Jakarta. The city was burnt to the ground and the British were forced out permanently. The city was rebuilt in 1621, under the old Dutch feudal name—Batavia—and became the center of all of the Dutch operations in the Far East. Batavia then became known as the Pearl of the Orient. Such a monopoly expanded into India, into Ceylon (Sri Lanka) in 1658, into Malacca (Malaysia), Les Isles De Sonde (Sunda Islands), the Celebes (Sulawesi), Timor, Borneo, Sumatra, and then beyond, into Thailand, Taiwan, China, and Japan.

Since the shareholders of the company were the ones fixing the prices, the “little green men under the floorboards of the stock exchange,” in Amsterdam, kept improving the differences between the cost of buying cheap spices and selling them dear, which brought them a profit of 200-300% per annum. In his History of Dutch Commerce, historian M. Lueder estimated that during 137 years, from its founding in 1602 until 1739, the Company had bought for a total of 360 million florins, and sold for a total of 1,620 million florins: a spoiling of nature, and of the general welfare of the people of Holland and of the Far East. [back to text for fn_5]

[fn_6] Pierre Clement, Lettres, instructions, memoires de Colbert, Tome IV. Paris: Imprimerie Imperiale, 1867, p. 216. [back to text for fn_6]

[fn_7] Clement, op. cit., p. 235. [back to text for fn_7]

[fn_8] Historian Pierre Clement wrote that when Mazarin died, “leaving France in a state of peace on the outside, freed from the factions on the inside, but tired out, without resources, and scandalously exploited by any man who had 100,000 ecus to lend to the Treasury at 50% interest, Colbert, who had long followed with diligence the progress of corruption, who knew all of its ruses and weaknesses, and who was revealing them to Louis XIV—Colbert whom the King consulted first in secret, because the need he had of him was so great—necessarily had to be brought into the Council and occupy the first place. His special skills, his antecedents, his character, his hard work, the important fortune of Mazarin that he administered so wisely during 15 years, but most of all the modesty of the functions he had held under the Cardinal [Mazarin], everything pointed him toward Louis XIV.” (Pierre Clement, op. cit., p. 94.

In his article, “Colbert’s Bequest to the Founding Fathers,” historian Anton Chaitkin appropriately likened Colbert’s 1661 bold intervention to a real coup d’état (EIR, Vol. 19, No. 1, Jan. 3, 1992, pp. 20-21). [back to text for fn_8]

[fn_9] See G.W. Leibniz, “The Discoveries of Principle of the Calculus in Acta Eruditorum,” eight unpublished translations by Pierre Beaudry. [back to text for fn_9]

[fn_10] Philip Valenti, “Britain Sabotaged the Steam Engine of Leibniz and Papin,” EIR, Vol. 23, No. 6, Feb. 16, 1996, pp. 18-23; see also Fusion, Vol. 2, No. 4, Dec. 1979. [back to text for fn_10]

[fn_11] Pierre Clement, op. cit., p. 305. [back to text for fn_11]

[fn_12] Sébastien Le Prestre, Marquis de Vauban (1633-1707), was a Marshal of France and a military engineer who had studied Leonardo da Vinci and especially the great works of Pierre-Paul Riquet. A member of the Academie des Sciences, Vauban distinguished himself by establishing the most advanced form of modern fortification, surrounding France with a defensive shield by rebuilding more than 300 fortified cities and creating 37 new ones. (The post-Vauban Fort McHenry, located in Baltimore, Maryland, is a typical Vauban fortification.)

Vauban was a Colbertian economist who was preoccupied mostly with improving the conditions of labor, and who considered that “work is the principle of all wealth.” Louis XIV unjustly disgraced him, but it was in honor of Vauban that Saint-Simon created the French word patriote. [back to text for fn_12]

[fn_13] Roy and Alma More, Thomas Jefferson’s Journey to the South of France. New York: Stewart, Tabori & Chang, 1999, p. 157. [back to text for fn_13]

Principles of Westphalia

The Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 brought an end to the Thirty Years’ War, the last of wars that had drowned Europe in blood in battles over religion. It defined the principles of sovereignty and equality in numerous sub-contracts. It became the constitution of the new system of states of Europe. We paraphrase the two key principles:

Article I begins: A Christian general and permanent peace, and true and honest friendship, must rule between his Holy Imperial Majesty and his Holy All-Christian Majesty, as well as between all and every ally and follower of the mentioned Imperial Majesty, the House of Austria … and successors…. And this Peace must be so honest and seriously guarded and nourished that each part furthers the advantage, honor, and benefit of the other…. A neighborliness should be renewed and flourish for peace and friendship, and flourish again.

(In other words, peace among sovereign nations requires, according to this principle, that each nation develops itself fully, and regards it as its self-interest to develop the others fully, and vice versa—a real “family of nations.”)

Article II says: On both sides, all should be forever forgotten and forgiven—what has from the beginning of the troubles, no matter how or where, from one side or the other, happened in terms of hostility—so that neither because of that, nor for any other reason or pretext, should anyone commit, or allow to happen, any hostility, unfriendliness, difficulty, or obstacle in respect to persons, their status, goods, or security itself, or through others, secretly or openly, directly or indirectly, under the pretense of the authority or the law, or by way of violence within the Empire, or anywhere outside of it, and any earlier, contradictory treaties should not stand against this.

Instead, the fact that each and every one, from one side and the other, both before and during the war, committed insults, violent acts, hostilities, damages, and injuries, without regard of persons or outcomes, should be completely put aside, so that everything, whatever one could demand from another under his name, will be forgotten to eternity.

—Prepared by Pierre Beaudry from the French and Latin original texts. [back to text]

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Restore Classical Education to the Secondary Classroom
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Kina fremmer paradigme for udvikling i Centralasien;
NATO-blok beordrer yderligere sanktioner og mere krig

Den 24. marts 2021 (EIRNS) – Tidligt i dag i Kabul aflagde Kinas udenrigsminister, Wang Yi, et overraskende besøg for at mødes med Taliban-regeringsledere og diskutere Bælte- og Vej-Initiativet, navnlig forbindelsen mellem Afghanistan og CPEC (China Pakistan Economic Corridor). I næste uge vil Beijing være vært for Afghanistan og dets nabolande på et tredje regionalt møde om fremme af mulighederne for at skabe forbindelser, med henblik på stabilitet i Afghanistan og udvikling i hele Centralasien. Det indebærer en økonomisk aktivitet til gensidig fordel for alle nationer, hvilket er det princip, der nu er et desperat behov for på verdensplan.

I modsætning hertil mødtes adskillige af statslederne fra de store vestlige nationer i dag personligt i Bruxelles på en række af tre hastemøder – NATO med 30 nationer, landene i G7 og EU med 27 nationer – og fremkom udelukkende med tilsagn om mere oprustning i Østeuropa, flere beskyldninger mod Rusland, trusler mod Kina om at afstå fra at alliere sig med Rusland samt vrangforestillinger om den europæiske økonomi og verdensøkonomien.

“Hvad foregår der i deres hoveder?” var reaktionen fra Schiller Instituttets grundlægger, Helga Zepp-LaRouche, i dag, da hun indledte den ugentlige webcast. Hun henviste specifikt til den farligste af alle de vrangforestillinger, der indgik i dagens mislykkede krisemøder, nemlig at en atomkrig nu er på dagsordenen som en mulig “eventualitet” ifølge topledere i Vesten.

At stoppe dette og gøre plads til en ny verdensarkitektur for sikkerhed og udvikling er fokus for Schiller Instituttets internationale konference den 9. april, ligeledes en global underskriftsindsamling.

[https://schillerinstitute.nationbuilder.com/convoke_an_international_conference_to_establish_a_new_security_and_development_architecture_for_all_nations

[https://schillerinstitute.nationbuilder.com/for_a_conference_to_establish_a_new_security_and_development_architecture_for_all_nations]

Selv uden atomar udslettelse er der risiko for, at vi vil blive ramt af hungersnød i verden, hvis vi lader de fremprovokerede stridigheder og det økonomiske sammenbrud udvikle sig til mere kaos og lidelse. Allerede før pandemien manglede mere end 800 millioner mennesker i 2019 tilstrækkelig ernæring, og 125 millioner af dem var i ekstreme sultfaser. Siden da, med hyperinflationen og nu konsekvenserne af den fremprovokerede Ukraine-krise og sanktioner, er fødevarekrisen og forstyrrelser i landbruget blevet forværret til den realistiske udsigt til en milliard mennesker, der lider af mangel på fødevarer, og 400 millioner i ekstrem nød.

Denne katastrofe er udelukkende en menneskeskabt katastrofe, og mange nationer er parate til at sætte sig op imod den afpresning og tyrannisering, som tvang dem til at følge de aksiomer, der i første omgang forårsagede det økonomiske sammenbrud. Hvem ønsker at lade sit folk sulte for “friheden” i NATO’s “regelbaserede” verdensorden?

I dag fandt der en afstemning sted i FN’s Generalforsamling om støtte til humanitær bistand i Ukraine, men især om at fordømme Rusland. Endnu en gang, som det skete den 2. marts i en afstemning i FN’s Generalforsamling, undlod et betydeligt antal nationer at stemme – 38 denne gang (35 den 2. marts) – i stedet for at indordne sig under det globale NATO’s kommandoer.

Den russiske udenrigsminister, Sergej Lavrov sagde i går i en tale til Moskvas Center for internationalt Diplomati, hvor han kommenterede de hidtil usete sanktioner mod Rusland og NATO’s deployering: “Det handler om at fjerne forhindringen i form af Rusland på vejen til opbygningen af en unipolær verden…. Det handler ikke om Ukraine, det handler om en verdensorden, hvor USA ønsker at være den eneste suveræne og dominerende….”

Mobilisér for Schiller Instituttets underskriftsindsamling og konference for at skabe en ny verdensorden for fred og udvikling for alle.

 




Mens Biden tager til Europa, er spørgsmålet: “Hvad foregår der i deres hoveder?”
Schiller Instituttets ugentlige webcast med Helga Zepp-LaRouche

Da Biden i går rejste til Europa for at mødes med “allierede” ledere i NATO, G7 og EU, var der talrige erklæringer fra amerikanske embedsmænd, herunder Biden, der bebudede en optrapning mod Rusland.  Med udtalelser om russiske “krigsforbrydelser” og atomkrig som en “mulig eventualitet” afspejler det, bemærkede Zepp-LaRouche i dag, “nul kapacitet” til at gennemtænke den strategiske krise.

Zepp-LaRouche imødegik den ensartede fortælling, der dominerer Vesten, ved at identificere målet for denne sprogbrug som værende et regimeskifte mod Putin – men med hvilket formål?  Som følge af optrapningen af sanktionerne anslås det nu, at fødevaremangel snart vil true 1 milliard mennesker – Hvem begår egentlig krigsforbrydelser og krænker menneskerettighederne?

Hun diskuterede det ironiske i, at diskussionen om atomkrig bryder ud på 39-årsdagen for Ronald Reagans promovering af Det strategiske Forsvarsinitiativ (SDI), som hendes mand, Lyndon LaRouche, havde været en af de førende arkitekter bag. LaRouches idé, som var kernen i Reagans forslag, var ikke blot en militærpolitik til forsvar mod atomkrig, men en økonomisk tilgang med deling af de mest avancerede teknologier til gavn for alle nationer. Denne idé er i centrum for Schiller Instituttets kommende videokonference om skabelse af en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur, som skal erstatte det neokonservative, neoliberale system, der er ved at falde sammen i dag.




Briterne indkalder Biden til Europa for at erklære: Atomkrig er ikke længere utænkeligt;
det er en “potentiel hændelse”

Den 23. marts (EIRNS) – I dag er det 39 år siden præsident Ronald Reagan i 1983 annoncerede det historiske Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), politikken for et fælles amerikansk-sovjetisk samarbejde om forsvarssystemer til ballistiske missiler baseret på “nye fysiske principper”, som Lyndon LaRouche udformede og derefter drøftede med sovjetiske repræsentanter gennem samtaler i bagkanaler, der blev sanktioneret af Reagans Hvide Hus. Det var næsten lykkedes med denne politik at få en ny international sikkerhedsmæssig og økonomisk arkitektur indført, som en gang for alle ville have sat en stopper for britisk geopolitik og britisk spekulation og plyndring.

Ironisk nok er det på årsdagen for SDI, at et fuldstændig vanvittigt Britisk Imperium er i færd med at drive konflikten mellem USA/UK/NATO og Rusland til det punkt, hvor der er atomar konfrontation – både på de militære og økonomiske fronter. På en briefing til journalister om præsident Joe Bidens rejse til Europa for at mødes med NATO og EU-ledere, som begynder den 24. marts, informerede USA’s nationale sikkerhedsrådgiver Jake Sullivan i går medierne om, at USA “i betragtning af skrækken for en potentiel anvendelse af atomvåben” omkring konflikten mellem Rusland og Ukraine, har USA “ikke ændret vores nukleare forholdsregler til dato”, men at præsident Biden “vil rådføre sig med allierede og partnere om denne potentielle eventualitet”.

Hvad skete der mon med den fælles erklæring, som præsident Biden og præsident Putin udsendte efter deres topmøde den 16. juni 2021, om at “atomkrig ikke kan vindes og aldrig må udkæmpes” – som en hyldest til en aftale fra 1985 mellem USA’s tidligere præsident Ronald Reagan og Sovjetunionens præsident Mikhail Gorbatjov? Eller de identiske erklæringer, der hovedsageligt er tilrettelagt af russiske diplomater, og som blev vedtaget på topmødet mellem Putin og Xi Jinping den 28. juni 2021 og den 3. januar 2022 af FN’s P-5-atomvåbenmagter?

Udenrigsminister Tony Blinken har yderligere låst sig fast på kollisionskurs med Rusland ved i dag, på tærsklen til Bidens afrejse, at bekendtgøre, at “på baggrund af de oplysninger, der er tilgængelige på nuværende tidspunkt, vurderer den amerikanske regering, at medlemmer af Ruslands styrker har begået krigsforbrydelser i Ukraine.” Han tilføjede med en truende bemærkning, at “Vi er forpligtet til at kræve ansvarlighed ved hjælp af alle tilgængelige værktøjer, herunder strafferetlig forfølgelse.” 

Den økonomiske og finansielle krigsførelse, som London og Wall Street har udløst mod Rusland, er ikke mindre truende for menneskehedens fortsatte eksistens end deres atomare, grænsesøgende krigsførelse. De har indledt en politik, hvor de ved hjælp af uendelige “sanktioner” forsøger at afkoble verdensøkonomien radikalt i to bittert modsætningsfyldte blokke – en militariseret NATO-dollar blok og Bælte og Vej-blokken – som begge er ved at blive kastet ud i et inferno af økonomisk sammenbrud og affolkning.

Rusland vil imidlertid forsvare sig mod den planlagte udslettelse – både på de militære og økonomiske fronter. I løbet af de sidste tre uger har præsident Putin flyttet Rusland over på et krigsøkonomisk udgangspunkt, idet han aggressivt har forsvaret den indenlandske produktionskapacitet og anvendt beskyttelsesforanstaltninger, såsom valutakontrol, for at afværge ekstern finansiel krigsførelse. I dag meddelte Putin, at Rusland kun vil acceptere betalinger fra eksporteret naturgas til “uvenlige stater” (dvs. dem, der deltager i sanktionerne) i rubler og ikke i dollars. Dette vil yderligere afskærme Rusland fra spekulative dollar angreb på dets banksystem og skabe en alvorlig forvirring for Tyskland og andre europæiske lande, som er dybt afhængige af importeret russisk naturgas, olie, hvede og andre produkter.

Imidlertid er der en vej tilbage fra afgrunden for menneskeheden, selv på dette sene tidspunkt. På Schiller Instituttets konference den 9. april, hvor der opfordres til en ny international sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur, vil vi i detaljer beskrive den nødvendige politiske strategi, til at vende dette tilsyneladende uafvendelige styrtdyk mod helvede.

Denne strategi følger den samme grundlæggende tilgang, som Lyndon LaRouche anvendte i forbindelse med sit SDI-projekt fra 1983, og som LaRouche gentog i en artikel, der blev offentliggjort i EIR’s nummer af 19. juli 1996, “SDI: The Technical Side of ‘Grand Strategy'” https://larouchepub.com/eiw/public/1996/eirv23n29-19960719/eirv23n29-19960719_040-sdi_the_technical_side_of_grand-lar.pdf.

I dette dokument udtalte LaRouche: “Begge supermagter, og andre, havde desperat brug for en stimulans til teknologidrevet vækst, svarende til den økonomiske effekt af Kennedys ” kriseprogram ” for den bemandede månelanding. Samarbejde om udvikling af de teknologier, der er nødvendige for et strategisk forsvar mod ballistiske missiler, ville give alle deltagende økonomier den nødvendige teknologiske stimulans, hvis man samtidig indfører en politik, der fremmer “afsmittende virkninger” på den civile økonomi.

“For at skifte fra et fjendtligt forhold til et samarbejdsforhold i de tilfælde, hvor der tidligere har været en langvarig, dybt forankret fjendtlighed, må der skabes et stærkt incitament af vedvarende velvillighed. Udadtil lægger effektive incitamenter til sådanne formål, vægt på fysisk-økonomiske fordele (til forskel fra relativt flygtige, finansielle fordele). De fysisk-økonomiske fordele er vigtige, men materialisterne og empirikerne overvurderer i høj grad sådanne “incitamenter” som sådan. Det væsentlige er ikke den materielle belønning som sådan; det væsentlige er aktiveringen af agape; den offentlige legitimering af en nødvendig materiel gevinst med aktiveringen af de kognitive processer, som videnskabelige og teknologiske fremskridt absolut afhænger af, er nøglen til at opnå den ønskede strategiske effekt….

“Forudsætningen for eksistensen af den moderne form for en perfekt suveræn, konstitutionel, nationalstatslig republik, er opfattelsen af mennesket som et kognitivt væsen, ikke som faste sæt af biologiske sociale egenskaber. Det er i den udstrækning, vi kræver, at alle blandt samfundets medlemmer skal fungere med hovedvægt på udvikling og brug af de kognitive potentialer, som adskiller det menneskelige individ fra dyrene, at vi opfordrer det potentielle herredømme, som republikken har i forhold til enhver anden samfundsform, i forhold til ethvert oligarkisk samfund, til at komme i anvendelse. Det forstod Niccolò Machiavelli, og hele historien siden da, har på en eller anden måde bekræftet dette princip….

“For at genvinde vores nationale suverænitet og skabe den sikkerhed, vi har brug for, må vores nation genvinde sin sjæl. Ellers er vi fortabte, og de fleste af de nulevende familier på denne planet ligeså. Et effektivt strategisk forsvar skal først og fremmest forstås som en økonomisk, kulturel og moralsk opgave. Hvilke vildfarelser er vi villige til at opgive for at sikre vores nation, for måske at redde vores sjæle?”




POLITISK ORIENTERING den 24. marts 2022:
Mobilisér for Schiller Instituttets videokonference den 9. april
om en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur.
Klik her for lydfilen.

Med formand Tom Gillesberg.




Hvilken form for fred? Hvilken type vækst?

Den 20. marts (EIRNS) – Vi lever med den umiddelbare trussel om en omfattende atomkrig, der kan udslette den menneskelige art, og i en økonomisk selvmordsspiral, der ødelægger menneskeliv og fremskridt. Hvad er vejen ud? 

Folk af god vilje søger fred i Ukraine, men hvilken slags fred? Hvis fred blot var et fravær af krig, var Ukraine og Rusland så “i fred” før den 24. februar? Har Rusland og NATO været “i fred” i de sidste tyve år? 

En fred, der er baseret på en magtbalance, på en kalibreret lighed mellem forskellige mål, kan ikke bestå; den ville ikke afspejle menneskehedens universalitet eller de fælles veje til velstand og lykke…. 

Den fornødne form for fred, der er nødvendig for verden, kan ikke vindes på Ukraines jord. 

Den må føres og tilvejebringes af befolkningen i USA, i andre NATO-lande, i den alliancefrie verden, af alle – kort sagt gennem en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur for alle nationer, der tager hensyn til alle nationer og menneskehedens interesser generelt. 

Denne interesse går ud over nationernes (eller deres herskende eliters) privilegier, og har sin autoritet fra det enkelte menneskes natur som skabt i Guds levende billede, udstyret med fornuft og med en impuls (og en ret, der i vid udstrækning er uforløst!) for, på en varig måde at bidrage til hele menneskehedens fremskridt. 

Vi er nået til det punkt, hvor fattigdom overalt på denne klode er omsonst, og hvor dens fortsatte tilstedeværelse er en forbrydelse. I modsætning til dette store potentiale af det menneskelige sinds og den menneskelige økonomis kræfter, befinder sig et angloamerikansk centreret imperium, der direkte angriber det menneskelige potentiale til at trives – angriber det gennem grønne mandater, finansialisering af økonomien og med direkte militære konfrontationer. 

Den russisk-ukrainske bio-geo-kemiker Vladimir Vernadsky beskrev den voksende kraft i det menneskelige sind i sin “Scientific Thought as a Planetary Phenomenon”, som han skrev i 1930’erne:

“I løbet af det sidste halve årtusinde, fra det 15. til det 20. århundrede, fortsatte udviklingen af menneskets stærke indflydelse på den omgivende natur og dets forståelse af den, i et hastigt tempo og blev stadig mere magtfuld. I løbet af denne periode blev hele planetens overflade omfattet af en fælles kultur: opdagelsen af bogtrykkeriet, kendskab til alle tidligere utilgængelige områder af jorden, beherskelse af nye energiformer – damp, elektricitet, radioaktivitet – beherskelse af alle kemiske grundstoffer og deres anvendelse til menneskets behov, skabelse af telegrafen og radioen…. Gennemgribende sociale forandringer, der fik støtte fra de brede masser, satte deres interesser i første række, og spørgsmålet om at eliminere underernæring og hungersnød blev en realistisk mulighed, som ikke længere kunne ignoreres.” 

Tiden er inde til at organisere verden omkring realiseringen af dette store potentiale hos den menneskelige art, til at kassere fortidens brutale geopolitik og magtbalance perspektiv, og skue frem mod en fremtid med overflod og fremskridt. 

Dér ligger sejren! Og den skal opnås, inden “dommedagsuret” slår midnat. 

Styrk Schiller Instituttets konference den 9. april!




Seminar om Ukraine i DIIS:
Schiller Instituttet udbreder ideen om en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur

Dern 22. marts 2020 (EIRNS) — I går afholdt Dansk institut for internationale Studier (DIIS) to seminarer om krigen i Ukraine (se det første på engelsk her). Forud for mødet omdelte Schiller Instituttet sit seneste nyhedsbrev “For en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur” og underskriftsindsamlingen med samme titel, hvori de første prominente underskrivere indgik, og de blev modtaget af de fleste fremmødte.  En del af seminaret omfattede indlæg med titlerne: “The Ukraine War and the Prospect of Nuclear War” af Rens van Munster og “China, India, and a European conflict in an Asian Century” af Luke Patey, begge DIIS-forskere. Ud over de ca. 150 personer, der var til stede, blev arrangementet live-streamet, så det er tilgængeligt efterfølgende. En repræsentant for Schiller Instituttet fik mulighed for at stille det indledende spørgsmål. 

Hun annoncerede Schiller Instituttets kommende internationale videokonference den 9. april og foreslog, at på samme måde som der er forhandlinger mellem Rusland og Ukraine, så burde vi vel også oprette en international mekanisme til at løse landenes sikkerhedsproblemer, inden det kommer til krig. Selv om vi f.eks. er imod krigen, må vi også erkende, at vi er nødt til at se på den rolle, som NATO’s udvidelse mod øst spillede, og andre problemstillinger. Hun spurgte derefter talerne i de ovennævnte indlæg, om vi på grund af faren for atomkrig  ikke burde oprette en mekanisme til at tage fat på alle nationers sikkerhedsmæssige og økonomiske bekymringer? 

Luke Patey svarede, at FN’s Sikkerhedsråd ikke var så aktivt, som man kunne håbe på, for at forhindre krigen, og at en reform af FN’s Sikkerhedsråd er på dagsordenen. Tanken om at NATO’s udvidelse mod øst var skyld i konflikten, som nogle i USA og kineserne har hævdet, fratager ukrainerne ansvaret – ved at påstå at det kun var USA’s handlinger, der var afgørende. 

Res van Munster sagde, at han kunne kommentere på den nukleare side af en ny sikkerhedsarkitektur, og at det ikke ser godt ud. Den nuværende “nye Kolde Krig” har ikke engang de atomaftaler, der var i kraft under den sidste Kolde Krig, bortset fra START-aftalen (begrænsning af strategiske atomvåben), som Biden forlængede med fem år. Dens fortsættelse afhænger af USA’s kommende præsident. Vi ville have brug for en ny rammebetingelse for atomvåben, men lige nu er aftalerne ved at forsvinde eller blive udhulet.

Spørgsmålet fra Schiller Instituttet er ved 1 time 59 minutter på videoen her: Ukraine-krigen: Baggrund og konsekvenser | DIIS

Svarene er hos Luke ved 2:07 og Res ved 2:15

Det andet seminar, på dansk her, var med DIIS’ Rusland-forsker Flemming Splidsboel Hansen (ikke livestreamet eller arkiveret). Schiller Instituttet fik også mulighed for at stille et spørgsmål, hvor vi oplyste, at Schiller Instituttet før krigen afholdt en videokonference og offentliggjorde artikler, der fastslog, at vi var 100 sekunder inden midnat til en atomkrig, og at vi opfordrede til en ny sikkerhedsmæssig og økonomisk arkitektur. Havde vi ikke en chance i 1991 for at etablere en ny arkitektur, som også ville have omfattet Rusland? Hvad ville det kræve at etablere en ny sikkerhedsmæssig og økonomisk arkitektur nu?

Splidsboel sagde, at det i dag ville kræve et meget anderledes Rusland. Kunne det have været anderledes i 1991? Måske. Der er ingen tvivl om, at vi begik fejl. De var skuffede over, at de ikke fik en Marshall-plan, men der var også store problemer i Rusland med menneskerettigheder og krigen i Tjetjenien. Hvis vi skulle “få” et nyt Rusland nu, var det vigtigt, at vi ikke begår fejl denne gang.

Schiller Instituttets repræsentanter diskuterede med deltagerne i pausen og skabte kontakter efterfølgende. En person kom endog ud med sin underskrift på underskriftsindsamlingen.

 




38 min. videoresumé + hele konferencen:
International videokonference for at etablere en ny sikkerheds- og
udviklingsarkitektur for alle nationer, den 9. april


Del gerne.
Information: 53 57 00 51, si@schillerinstitut.dk, www.schillerinstitut.dk, www.schillerinstitute.com

PLENARFORSAMLING (90 min.)

Hvorfor det fejlslagne gamle paradigmekræver udformningen af et nyt paradigme i internationale forhold. 

PANEL 1: ØKONOMI (90 min.)

For en ny retfærdig økonomisk verdensorden – forebyggelse af én milliard menneskers sultedød

PANEL 2: SIKKERHED (90 min.)

En ny sikkerhedsarkitektur i traditionen fra den Westfalske Fred (1648) og Bandung-konferencen (konferencen i Indonesien i 1955, hvor Den alliancefri Bevægelse blev grundlagt.)

PANEL 3: UDVIKLING (90 min.)

For endelig at overvinde kolonialisme og imperialisme

Udvikling er det nye navn for fred

Behovet for at opbygge et verdenssundhedsvæsen

Opdateret:

Vores verden er under den akutte og livstruende trussel om omfattende krig, herunder atomkrig og dermed den mulige udslettelse af menneskeslægten, foruden økonomisk ødelæggelse, der berører milliarder af mennesker.
 
Det er derfor tvingende nødvendigt at etablere en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur for alle nationer, som skal tilgodese til alle nationers interesser på jorden. 
 
Den nuværende krig i Europa, rækken af krige i Afghanistan, Syrien, Irak, Libyen, Yemen, Somalia, Sudan, og spredningen af hungersnød og sygdomme har allerede dræbt millioner af uskyldige mennesker og ødelagt deres hjem, levebrød og fremtid. Corona-krisen minder os om, at alt liv på jorden er sammenhængende, forbundet og indbyrdes beslægtet, og at vi må fokusere på bæredygtighed og inklusion for at forbedre vores jord og vores befolkningers tilstand. Vores mission er derfor ikke kun at stoppe en sådan selvdestruktiv udvikling, men også at tilrettelægge alle forudsætningerne for fred og velstand på grundlag af menneskehedens fælles formål. Vi må udforme et nyt paradigme, en ny ordning, som fokuserer på vores klode og vores befolkningers interesser for at løfte menneskeheden til det næste niveau.
 
Bag den umiddelbare trussel om krig ligger det igangværende kollaps af det transatlantiske finanssystem. En hyperinflatorisk proces er blevet udløst globalt, med et deraf følgende sammenbrud af de vestlige nationers økonomier. City of London og Wall Street, som er ansvarlige for et sådant system, er ivrige efter at ødelægge ethvert velfungerende alternativ til deres system, det være sig Rusland, Kina, Indien eller andre. Kinas partnerskab omkring Bælte & Vej omfatter nu omtrent 150 nationer. Det nuværende finansielle system bliver brugt til at opretholde den koloniale tilstand af underudvikling af den tidligere såkaldte udviklingssektor, gennem malthusianske strategier. Derfor er det nødvendigt at etablere et fuldstændig nyt finansielt paradigme med en integrerede tilgang til sikkerhed, økonomi og udvikling af alle nationer. 
 
Den Westfalske Fred er vores referencepunkt. Den fastslog ikke blot den andens gavn, ære og fordel og den evige glemsel, amnesti eller tilgivelse for alt, hvad der er begået, men den omfattede også en finansiel reorganisering af alle lande, der deltog i den. Den sorterede og afviklede misligholdt og ulovlig gæld og finansielle fordringer, for det meste ved annullering af gæld eller forhandlet omlægning af gæld. Den fastlagde også statens rolle i genopbygningen af nationerne efter 30-årskrigen.
 
Den internationale folkeret udviklede sig på baggrund af den Westfalske Fred, som fandt sit hidtil mest vidtgående udtryk i den såkaldte FN-pagt, der ubetinget må opretholdes i det nye paradigme. Verdenserklæringen om menneskerettigheder, de ti principper fra Bandung og de fem principper for fredelig sameksistens, indeholder alle idéer, som er universelle og fortsat gyldige for fremme af fred, udvikling og samarbejde i verden. 
 
Verdens sidste udformning fandt sted efter Anden Verdenskrig, som gav anledning til FN, Verdensbanken, IMF, NATO, WTO, WHO, osv. Disse institutioner udråbt deres fokus på demokrati, menneskerettigheder, kapitalisme, forbrug og militær og det fungerede for det meste i 75 år. Deres mangler var at de ikke opfyldte FDR’s løfte om Bretton Woods-systemet, som han udformede det for at øge levestandarden i udviklingslandene og gøre en ende på kolonialismen. Det er på tide at omforme verden for at kunne drage fordel af den enorme forbundethed og det nye paradigme for at sikre grundlæggende menneskelige behov, inklusion, ny økonomi, decentralisering, varig overlevelse og fred for alle.
 
Vi er inderligt overbeviste om, at fred kun kan opnås ved en gennemgribende omformning af det økonomiske system i verden, så dette perspektiv bliver til virkelighed. En sådan ny vision af verden, der er i overensstemmelse med fortidens idealer, vælger bæredygtighed, inklusion og forbundethed i stedet for den internationale regelbaserede orden med fokus på magt og profit.  
 
Vi afholder denne konference for at invitere, engagere og inspirere ledere med visioner, karakter, evner og engagement til at kommunikere, samarbejde og sammen være kreative i retning af enhed, retfærdighed, demokrati, suverænitet og menneskelig udvikling, og holde fast i deres løfter i stedet for at underkaste sig pengemændenes og oligarkernes regler. Det er et spørgsmål om liv eller død at stoppe “dommedagsuret”, før det slår midnat.

 

Denne nye vision, der skal skabe en ny global platform og føre menneskeheden til nye højder, er meget detaljeret beskrevet i forslagene fra den berømte amerikanske økonom Lyndon LaRouche, som er baseret på det han kaldte sine fire love:
 
. Den øjeblikkelige gennemførelse af Glass/Steagall-loven, der blev indført af den amerikanske præsident Franklin Delano Roosevelt, uden ændringer og denne gang globalt, med henblik på at gennemføre en konkursbehandling af hele den spekulative finansboble for at forhindre udplyndring af menneskelig arbejdskraft og menneskeliv.
 
. En tilbagevenden til et system med topstyret og nøje defineret nationalbankvæsen, som det blev fastlagt af USA’s første finansminister, Alexander Hamilton, og senere af dem som han inspirerede til at skabe succesfulde systemer for udvikling.
 
. Det tilhørende kreditsystem til at skabe høj produktiv udvikling i forbindelse med forbedringer af beskæftigelsen og arbejdskraftens kvalitet med den ledsagende hensigt at øge den fysisk-økonomiske produktivitet og levestandarden for personer og husholdninger.
 
. Et videnskabeligt drevet lynprogram for fusionsenergi for at fremme opdagelsen af nye fysiske principper og grundlæggende gennembrud inden for videnskab med henblik på at skabe de mest avancerede udviklingsformer med de højeste energigennemstrømningstætheder. 
 
Mennesket er den eneste art, der er udstyret med kreativ fornuft, hvilket adskiller det fra alle andre levende væsener. Denne kreative evne sætter os i stand til kontinuerligt at opdage nye principper i det fysiske univers, hvilket kaldes videnskabeligt fremskridt. Det faktum, at den menneskelige forstand gennem en immateriel idé er i stand til at opdage disse principper, som har en virkning i det materielle univers i form af teknologisk fremskridt, beviser, at der er overensstemmelse mellem det menneskelige sinds lovmæssighed og lovmæssigheden i det fysiske univers. Set i dette perspektiv har økonomi ikke noget at gøre med profit, men med menneskers lykke i den forstand, som Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz mente, dvs. at mennesket er i stand til at udvikle alle de iboende potentialer det besidder til en harmonisk helhed, og dermed bidrage til den bedste videre udvikling af menneskeheden. 

Program/Talerlisten:

Plenarmøde
1) Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. (1922-2019), afdød statsmand og økonom: »Grundlaget for at tro på optimisme«

2) Helga Zepp-LaRouche; grundlægger, Schiller Instituttet: Velkomst og åbningstale: »Behovet for et nyt paradigme«

3) Anatoly Antonov, russisk ambassadør i USA: »Mulighederne for at bygge en ny international sikkerhedsarkitektur«

4) Sam Pitroda; iværksætter og politiker; USA/Indien: »Behovet for at omforme verden«

5) Jay Naidoo; minister under præsident Nelson Mandela, Sydafrika: »Perspektivet fra den afrikanske medborger«

6) Chen Xiaohan, Det kinesiske folks forening for fred og nedrustning: »Menneskehedens fælles fremtid«

7) Alessia Ruggeri; talskvinde for Comitato per la Repubblica, fagforeningsleder, sammenslutningen af små og mellemstore virksomheder: »For et fædrelandenes Europa med Den Westfalske Fred«
Diskussion mellem paneldeltagerne

Panel 1: Økonomi
1) Dennis Small; Latinamerikansk redaktør, EIR: »Den nye arkitektur: Et program for at forhindre, at en milliard mennesker sulter på grund af sanktionerne«

2) Prof. Justin Yifu Lin; dekan, Institut for ny strukturel økonomi; dekan, Institut for Syd-Syd-samarbejde og udvikling; æresdekan, Skolen for national udvikling, Beijing Universitet: »Kinas BRI: Rationale og sandsynlige virkninger«

3) Saeed Naqvi (Indien), indisk journalist, tv-kommentator og interviewer: »Mediernes rolle og ansvar«

4) Dr. George Koo (USA), pensioneret virksomhedsrådgiver; Formand, Burlingame Foundation: »USA’s sanktioner imod Rusland og Kina er selvmord for dollaren«

5) Fraydique Alexander Gaitán (Colombia), formand for Columbias arbejderforbund CTU-USCTRAB: »ILO-tripartisme, den vigtigste tilgang til en stabil og varig global fred« and Pedro Rubio, leder af CTU-USCTRAB og formand for sammenslutningen af tjenestemænd i Colombias generalregnskabskontor: »Sydamerika og den nye udviklingsarkitektur«
Offentlig debat

Panel 2: Sikkerhed
1) Jacques Cheminade; formand, Solidarité et Progrès, Frankrig: » Den Westfalske Fred for at undgå Thukydid-fælden «

2) Diogène Senny; formand for den panafrikanske liga UMOJA Congo, Republikken Congo: »Hvad Afrika forventer af verden«

3) Caleb Maupin (USA), stifter og direktør for Center for Political Innovation: »Sikkerhedsvirkninger af USA’s og Vestens ensidige sanktioner«

4) Mike Callicrate (USA), kvægavler fra Kansas, politisk fortaler og stifter og ejer af Ranch Foods Direct: »Kartel-æraen er forbi: Flere suveræne landmænd, mad til alle, fordobling af verdens fødevareproduktion«
Offentlig diskussion

Panel 3: Udvikling
1) Dennis Speed; Komitéen for Modsætningers Sammenfald, forfatter og mangeårig leder af LaRouche-bevægelsen; »Det presserende behov for et verdenssundhedssystem«

2) Helga Zepp-LaRouche: »Operation Ibn Sina«, Dipl. Ing. Daud Azimi – Bestyrelsesmedlem Afghanistans nationale fredsfront: »Afghanistan: Dagens presserende økonomiske og politiske nødvendigheder« 

3) Princy Mthombeni; kommunikationsspecialist, stifter af Africa4Nuclear: »Kernekraftteknologi til Afrikas dagsorden for bæredygtig udvikling«
Offentlig debat

Afsluttende bemærkninger
Helga Zepp-LaRouche

 

 




Kan City of London og Wall Street vinde den økonomiske verdenskrig, som de har startet?

Den 16. marts (EIRNS)-Lyndon LaRouche udtalte engang: Mine fjender kan ikke besejre mig, fordi jeg aldrig holder op med at kæmpe. Det er tilrådeligt at overveje spørgsmålet i ovenstående overskrift ud fra dette centrale synspunkt.

I løbet af de sidste 24-48 timer forsøgte briterne at optrappe deres verdenskrig på både den økonomiske og den militære front. Den 16. marts var dagen, hvor en rentebetaling på 117 millioner dollars, på udenlandsk ejede russiske statsobligationer forfaldt  – den første af disse betalinger, siden USA og NATO indførte ekstreme sanktioner mod Rusland, herunder tyveri (“indefrysning”) af omkring 300 milliarder dollars i russiske aktiver i amerikanske banker. Den russiske regering beordrede med al rimelighed, at rentebetalingen skulle ske i rubler, hvilket betød, at bolden nu lå hos USA for at frigøre nogle af de stjålne penge, så disse rubler kunne konverteres til dollars og andre hårde valutaer. I sidste ende blev disse aktiver ikke frigivet, og der indledes nu en 30-dages frist, hvorefter Rusland formodentlig vil blive erklæret i formel betalingsstandsning. Formålet hermed er at garantere, – som den blodtørstige London Guardian meddelte,-  at “et fuldstændigt sammenbrud er næsten uundgåeligt” i Rusland.

Men det er ikke alle i det britiske etablissement, der er helt så fortrøstningsfulde med hensyn til deres fremgangsmåde. Nogle er bekymrede for, at deres krig mod Rusland kan forårsage et sammenbrud af hele det transatlantiske finanssystem. Andre blandt dem ser håndskriften på væggen mere klart, og de forstår, at dette sammenbrud er uundgåeligt, men de er desperate ved udsigten til, at deres system vil kollapse, inden Rusland og Kina kan blive tvunget til underkastelse og overgivelse. Financial Times advarede sine læsere: “Gør dig ingen illusioner. Russerne vil ikke være de eneste, der kommer til at blive ramt af de russiske sanktioner. Verden bør huske Lehman, og forberede sig på et globalt finansielt og økonomisk chok.”

R.T.  rapporterede også, at de brændte jords sanktioner allerede var ved at forstyrre de vigtige Bælte- og- Vej jernbaneruter mellem Kina og Europa – et centralt britisk mål – men at dette også har en uoprettelig effekt på selve Vesten og kan udløse “et jordskælv som aldrig før oplevet”, hvorefter “den globale udveksling af varer og tjenesteydelser aldrig vil blive den samme igen”.

På den politisk-militære front talte Ukraines præsident Volodymyr Zelensky til en fælles samling i den amerikanske Kongres – efter at have gjort det tilsvarende med det britiske Underhus den 8. marts og det canadiske Parlament den 15. marts – og han gjorde alt, hvad der stod i hans magt, for at få USA til at kaste sig hovedkulds ud i en direkte konfrontation med Rusland. Zelensky sagde, at han helst ønskede, at Ukraine fik lov til at blive medlem af NATO (og dermed blive beskyttet af NATO’s artikel 5-klausul), men i mangel heraf, opfordrede han til oprettelsen af “en alliance af ansvarlige lande, der vil have styrke og evne til straks at stoppe konflikter og yde al nødvendig bistand inden for 24 timer” – med andre ord, NATO uden NATO. Han anmodede også USA om, at oprette en flyveforbudszone over Ukraine – “det ville udgøre en krigshandling mod Rusland”, advarede EU’s øverste general, Claudio Graziano – men hvis det ikke lykkedes, krævede han en stor stigning i avanceret militær bistand fra Vesten.

Kort efter at Zelensky havde afsluttet sin tale, gav præsident Biden tilsagn om at forpligte sig, ved at annoncere en ny hjælpepakke på 800 millioner dollars til Ukraine.

Efterhånden som farerne eskalerer på alle fronter, hæves flere og flere stemmer rundt om i verden i et forsøg på at stoppe dommedagsuret, før det slår midnat. Mange er velmenende og indsigtsfulde og er med til at mobilisere politiske kræfter til denne opgave. Men ingen af dem tager fat på den underliggende årsag til krisen – sammenbruddet af hele det transatlantiske system – og slet ikke på en programmæssig økonomisk-politisk løsning. Det en kendsgerning, at fred kun kan opnås ved en gennemgribende omstrukturering af det globale økonomiske system, og det er ligeledes en kendsgerning, at det omfattende værk, som Lyndon LaRouche har udarbejdet om dette emne, er den eneste tilgængelige løsning.

Alle disse stemmer og tusindvis af andre, bør tilslutte sig Schiller Instituttets opfordring til en konference om en ny international sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur, der bygger på LaRouches fire love for varig økonomisk overlevelse.

Udvalgt billede: Karolina Grabowska, Pexels




FN-agenturer advarer om, at Yemen står over for en ” decideret katastrofe”
med hungersnød og sult

Den 15. marts 2022 (EIRNS) – Som svar på den netop offentliggjorte “Integrated Phase Classification” (IPC)-rapport om Yemen, advarede en gruppe FN-agenturer – blandt andet Verdensfødevareprogrammet, Fødevare- og Landbrugsorganisationen og UNICEF – i en pressemeddelelse den 14. marts om, at: “i dag befinder mere end 17,4 millioner yemenitter sig i mindst fase 3, ‘alvorligt’ akut trin, for underernæring; yderligere 1,6 millioner forventes at opleve akut sult i de kommende måneder, hvilket vil bringe det samlede antal personer med akutte behov op på 7,3 millioner ved årets udgang.”

Artiklen, der har overskriften “Yemen står over for en decideret katastrofe på grund af tiltagende sult”, advarer om, at humanitære organisationer er yderst bekymrede over sandsynligheden for, at antallet af mennesker, der oplever “katastrofal” sult – eller hungersnød – vil femdobles fra 31.000 nu til 161.000 den 31. december. I en artikel i “Common Dreams” den 14. marts tilføjes det, at der er 2,2 millioner børn, der er akut underernærede, hvoraf 538.000 er alvorligt underernærede. Desuden lider 1,3 millioner gravide og ammende kvinder også af akut underernæring.

David Beasley, administrerende direktør for FN´s Verdensfødevareprogram, udtalte, at “disse rystende tal bekræfter, at vi er på vej mod en katastrofe i Yemen, og vi har næsten ikke mere tid til at undgå den. Medmindre vi straks modtager nye betydelige midler, vil der opstå omfattende sult og hungersnød. Men hvis vi handler nu, er der stadig en chance for at afværge den overhængende katastrofe og redde millioner af mennesker.” Han har påpeget, at det stærkt fødevareimportafhængige Yemen importerer 30 % af sin hvede fra Ukraine, og at krigen i dette land vil påvirke landets evne til at eksportere til Yemen og kan bringe den globale sultkrise “til et niveau, der overgår alt, hvad vi har set før”. Han udtrykte frygt for, at de underernærede børn i Yemen “er blevet glemt af verden”.

Den 16. marts afholder FN et møde på højt niveau om den humanitære krise i Yemen, som Sverige og Schweiz er medsponsorer af.

https://news.un.org/en/story/2022/03/1113852

Udvalgt bilede: Mohammad Hadi, Pexels

 




Nu er det tid til LaRouches planer for en ny økonomisk arkitektur

Den 13. marts (EIRNS) – Udviklingen i 2022 til dato har gjort det helt klart, at Lyndon LaRouches forudsigelser gennem det sidste halve århundrede om det uundgåelige sammenbrud af det finansielle system med flydende valutakurser efter Bretton Woods var overvældende præcise. Verdens produktion af fysiske økonomiske nødvendigheder er styrtdykket; hyperinflation af finansielle enheder, har udløst kraftigt stigende priser på forbrugs- og produktionsvarer, hvilket har gjort dem utilgængelige for de fleste; handelskrig under dække af sanktioner er brudt ud på verdensplan; og pandemier af hedengangne og nye sygdomme har allerede taget livet, direkte og indirekte, af mellem 6 og 18 millioner mennesker.

De politiske ledere og massemedierne i Vesten giver Vladimir Putin skylden for alt dette – og mere til. Men den egentlige, underliggende årsag er det årtier lange styrtdyk i menneskehedens potentielle relative befolkningstæthed, som helhed, som en konsekvens af den nedskæringspolitik, som City of London og Wall Street har dikteret. Den mekanisme, hvormed denne politik i dag føres til sin fuldbyrdelse, er en radikal afkobling af verdensøkonomien i to blokke – en militariseret NATO-$-blok og Bælte- og Vej-blokken – der begge forventes at blive tvunget ud i et inferno af affolkning og krig.

Det er nu på tide, at Lyndon LaRouches målrettede løsning på denne krise også bliver indlysende klar, og at der handles derefter, over hele jorden, mens der stadig er tid til det. I modsætning til Londons malthusianske afkobling af verdens fysiske økonomi, skal verdens nationer i stedet samles om et program for økonomisk vækst og sikkerhed for alle og enhver….

Vi fremsætter forslaget med følgende uddrag fra Lyndon LaRouches essay af 12. januar 2004, “On the Subject of Tariffs and Trade”, og tilbyder det, som en rettesnor for den bredest mulige internationale diskussion, som opfølgning på Schiller Instituttets opfordring til en kommende konference om en ny international arkitektur for sikkerhed og udvikling:

“I dag er verdens nuværende finansielle system med flydende valutakurser håbløst bankerot. Det må sættes under regeringskontrolleret konkursbehandling, med henblik på de nødvendige former for administration og reorganisering. Stort set alle de førende pengeinstitutter i Vesteuropa og Amerika (blandt andre tilfælde) er implicit konkurs i øjeblikket. Derfor må det første og mest umiddelbare mål for suveræne regeringers indgriben være stabilitet i samfundets regulære funktioner; det andet mål på kort til mellemlangt sigt må være en stigning i den produktive beskæftigelse til et niveau, der er tilstrækkeligt til at bringe nationernes løbende regnskaber i balance; det tredje mål må være forhandling af en række langsigtede beskyttende overenskomster om kredit, told og handel mellem en række førende nationer. Sidstnævnte aftaler bør strække sig over en til to generationer, hvilket svarer til kapitaldannelser på 25-50 år.

“Muligheden for en genopretning fra den tilstand, som vi i øjeblikket er blevet overdraget, af kombinationen af IMF-systemet med flydende valutakurser og den vildt afvigende adfærd i nationernes centralbanksystemer, afhænger af et massivt supplement af langsigtet kredit til kapitalopbygning, med indledende vægt på skabelse af kapital i den grundlæggende økonomiske infrastruktur. For at opretholde et sådant udviklingsprogram over to generationer, som er nødvendigt, kræves der et system, hvor de grundlæggende låneomkostninger ikke må være højere end 1-2% i simpel rente. Dette kan kun opnås under betingelser, der er defineret af et valuta-finanssystem med faste valutakurser. Det betyder derfor et “guld-reservebaseret system”, men ikke en tilbagevenden til et guldbaseret system i stil med det britiske (eller den skøre Ezra Pounds) “ærlige penge”-system. Det betyder også et system af langsigtede handels- og toldaftaler mellem nationer, med en virkning der er i overensstemmelse med målsætninger om langsigtet vækst i kapitaldannelsen.” 

Se artiklen

Udvalgt billede: Karolina Grabowska

 




“Vi må sætte en stopper for den selvdestruktive selvmordspagt”

Den 10. marts (EIRNS) – “I lyset af den eskalerende Ukraine-krise spørger folk rundt om i verden indtrængende sig selv og deres politiske ledere, hvor det hele vil ende. Er denne udvikling på vej mod en meget stor, måske ligefrem termonuklear, global konfrontation? Står vi over for en omvendt, mere farlig Cuba-krise? Vil menneskeheden overhovedet overleve?”

Sådan indledes Schiller Instituttets opfordring til at “indkalde til en international konference for at etablere en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur for alle nationer”. I dag vil Schiller Instituttet offentliggøre en liste over betydningsfulde underskrivere af underskriftindsamlingen, og ledende medlemmer af LaRouche-bevægelsen vil gøre den bredt kendt gennem sociale medier og andre kanaler.

Den internationale konference, som der opfordres til, kan ikke kun bestå af de nationer, der allerede er ved at slutte sig sammen om et nyt paradigme for internationale relationer. Uden inddragelse af de førende transatlantiske lande, herunder USA, bliver det umuligt at etablere et nyt system på denne jord.

Årsagerne er økonomiske og strategiske.

Den enorme spekulative finansboble – vurderet til billarder af dollars – og de stigende bjerge af penge fra centralbankerne, der strømmer ind for at holde den flydende, støder mod virkeligheden. Den galoperende inflation, der er forårsaget af pengetrykning, grøn vækst – og menneskefjendtlig politik, bliver lemfældigt tilskrevet Vladimir Putin, ligesom de skyhøje energipriser, mens de vestlige nationer selv forårsager vilkårene for konfliktsituationer og økonomisk elendighed.

Svaret er en tilgang som i den Westfalske Fred, hvor der skabes en integreret sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur, hvor nationer og enkeltpersoner har den andens interesse som udgangspunkt for deres handlinger. Det er for et sådant nyt paradigme, at især befolkningerne i det transatlantiske område må gøre en indsats for at forhindre, at deres nationer marcherer ind i en strategisk konfrontation, hvor et enkelt forkert træk, en enkelt fejltagelse, kan føre til en kædereaktion, der udløser en atomkrig, som menneskeheden måske aldrig kan genrejses fra.

“Det er på tide, at institutioner og enkeltpersoner fra alle nationer træder frem og slutter sig til mobiliseringen for en international konference for at etablere en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur for alle nationer”, konkluderes det i erklæringen.

Hold øje med schillerinstitute.com i løbet af dagen i dag for at se en meddelelse om underskriftsindsamlingen, og om hvad du kan gøre for at realisere denne nye arkitektur.

 




POLITISK ORIENTERING den 11. marts 2022:
Vil falsk kemisk angreb bringe Nato i åben krig med Rusland?
Klik her for lydfilen.

Med formand Tom Gillesberg.

Lyd:

Resumé:
Det ser ud til at vestlige efterretningstjenester planlægger et falsk kemisk angreb, som det man lavede i Syrien i som fik Trump til at bombe Syrien i 2017. Vil man få Nato i åben krig med Rusland? Faren for en atomkrig har aldrig været større. Der er to krige: Den i Ukraine og den større økonomiske krig USA og Vesten har iværksat imod Rusland. Man forsøger at få russisk kapitulation men trækker også tæppet væk under økonomien, særligt Europas. Hvor længe varer det inden at vi ser konkurser pga. af Ruslands manglende betalinger? De vestlige tiltag som man siger skyldes ”Putins krig”, var noget USA længe har presset på for, både 2 % af BNP til militær og stop for køb af russisk gas. Nato har længe sendt våben og trænet Ukraines hær, også de åbent fascistiske elementer i den, for at Ukraine kunne påføre Rusland maksimal skade. Skaden på Ukraine betyder lige så meget for Vesten, som man bekymrer sig om befolkningen i Afghanistan.

Vestens økonomiske atombombe imod Rusland, udelukkelsen fra SWIFT og indefrysningen af Rusland formue i udenlandske banker vil medføre at ingen kan vide sig sikker, hvis pengene står i vestlige banker der handler på politiske ordrer. Dollarens og euroens rolle som reservevaluta vil blive kraftigt udfordret. En russisk statsbankerot og manglende russiske betalinger kan vælte meget.

Uden russisk gas, olie og kul står Europa stille. Energipriserne himmelflugt gør stor økonomisk skade. Fødevareforsyning og fødevarepriser rammes også af mangel på kunstgødning og evt. dårlig høst i Ukraine og Rusland. Og fiskere som bliver hjemme fordi det er for dyrt at sejle. Andre ting, som f.eks. produktion af mikrochips kan også blive hårdt ramt. Vestens sanktioner vil gøre stor skade på økonomien. Rusland vil nok nationalisere eller tvangsovertage vestligt ejede virksomheder som McDonalds og JYSK der har lukket ned for aktiviteten. Hvad med Carlsberg?

Rusland siger, at de aldrig igen vil være afhængige af Vesten. Fokus bliver på Kina og Asien. Man satser på den verdensorden, som Rusland og Kina fremlagde den 4. februar. Kina vil støtte Rusland for de ved, at hvis Rusland knækker, så er det deres tur bagefter.

Globalt økonomisk kaos truer pga. Vestens sanktioner imod Rusland. Ifølge UNICEF og Verdensfødevareprogrammet er 1 million børn under 5 år på vej til at dø af sult i Afghanistan. 8 millioner børn og 22 millioner mennesker er i fare, og de kan kun hjælpe 12 millioner. Vesten gør ingenting.

Vi behøver en ny sikkerhedsarkitektur som alle, også Rusland, Kina og Indien, kan se sig selv i og vi behøver den nu. Skriv under på Schiller Instituttets appel. Rejs debatten. Gør noget, før det er for sent. 




Den oprindelige Vestfalske Fred omfattede en
global finansiel omlægning

PARIS, den 9. marts (EIRNS) – Enhver opmærksom læser af teksterne til Westfalens fredstraktater vil opdage, at dens dybe filosofiske forpligtelse til at favorisere “den andens fordel” som ens egen fordel også omsættes til konkrete handlinger, der lægger grunden til en ny international finansiel og økonomisk struktur. (https://avalon.law.yale.edu/17th_century/westphal.asp)

Artikel 1 angiver den centrale filosofi: “At der skal være en kristen og universel fred og et evigt, sandt og oprigtigt venskab mellem (liste over alle parter, der opgiver at kæmpe)” og “at denne fred og dette venskab skal overholdes og fremmes med en sådan oprigtighed og iver, at hver part skal bestræbe sig på at skaffe den anden part fordel, ære og gavn; at de således fra alle sider, kan se denne fred og dette venskab i Romerriget og Kongeriget Frankrig blomstre, ved at opretholde et godt og trofast naboskab.”

Artikel 2 skitserer derefter den særlige “nulstilling”, som vi har et presserende behov for i dag: “Der skal på den ene side og den anden side, være en evig glemsel, amnesti eller eftergivelse af alt, hvad der er blevet begået siden disse stridigheder begyndte, på hvilket sted eller på hvilken måde fjendtlighederne er blevet udøvet, på en sådan vis, at ingen af dem under noget som helst påskud skal udøve fjendtlige handlinger, nære fjendskab eller forårsage nogen problemer for hinanden; . … alt, hvad der er sket på den ene og den anden side, såvel før som under krigen, i ord, skrifter og uhyrlige handlinger, i vold, fjendtligheder, skader og udgifter, uden nogen respekt for personer eller ting, skal helt og holdent afskaffes på en sådan måde, at alt, hvad der kan kræves af eller påberåbes af hinanden på den måde, skal begraves i evig glemsel.”

Da samtlige aktørere i årtier havde slagtet hinanden for at betale deres gæld i form af imperial bytte til bankfolk, der låner ud til alle sider for at holde krigen i gang, omfatter sætningen kategorien “Udgifter”, der skal “begraves i evig glemsel”.

Derefter følger traktaten, som tager mange særlige krav op, og før afvikling af territoriale krav koncentrerer sig om at tage fat på den finansielle ruin, som alle var på vej ned i. Misligholdt og ulovlig gæld og finansielle fordringer, der udtrykkeligt er identificeret som potentielle årsager, der kan give næring til den evige krigsdynamik, bliver sorteret og afviklet, hovedsagelig ved gældseftergivelse (artikel 13 og 35, 37, 38 og 39) eller ved forhandlet omlægning (artikel 48). Artikel 40 præciserer udtrykkeligt, at ærlige lån, der er ydet under krigen “med en god hensigt, som bidrag, for at forhindre større ondskab hos bidragyderne, ikke er omfattet af denne artikel” (og derfor skal indfries).

En artikel om freden i Vestfalien vil blive bragt i næste nummer af Executive Intelligence Review, som vi vil offentliggøre på vores hjemmeside.




NYHEDSORIENTERING FEBRUAR-MARTS 2022:
For en ny arkitektur for sikkerhed og udvikling

Download (PDF, Unknown)




EIR spørger forsvarsministre fra Danmark, Storbritannien og Sverige om en
ny sikkerheds- og økonomisk arkitektur på TV2 live

København, 4. marts (EIRNS) — {EIR} stillede et spørgsmål om Schiller Instituttets forslag til en ny sikkerheds- og udviklings arkitektur på et pressemøde i dag med forsvarsministrene fra Danmark, Storbritannien og Sverige, om bord på den danske fregat Niels Juel, ved lanceringen af den militære øvelse Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) i Østersøen.

Storbritannien har ledelsen af JEF, og denne øvelse med udgangspunkt i Danmark omfatter også Sverige og de tre baltiske lande, Estland, Letland og Litauen. 

Den danske forsvarsminister Morten Bødskov besvarede {EIR}s spørgsmål, i selskab med den britiske forsvarsminister Ben Wallace og den svenske forsvarsminister Peter Hultqvist. 

Pressekonferencen blev transmitteret direkte og er arkiveret på dansk TV2. Der var filmhold og reportere fra andre danske medier, Sverige, Storbritannien (BBC), Agence France-Presse (AFP) og muligvis også andre lande, hvor det muligvis er blevet transmitteret. 

Her er endnu en video, som også inkluderer TV2’s spørgsmål, om Danmark og Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) optrapper krisen med deres militære øvelser i Østersøen.

Hele pressekonferencen kan stadigvæk ses på TV2News den 4. marts 2022: Find “Nordeuropæiske forsvarsministre briefer om samarbejde” her.

 “EIR: Michelle Rasmussen fra {Executive Intelligence Review} i USA. I betragtning af alvoren af krigen i Ukraine og faren for optrapning, ligefrem indtil atomkrig, har formanden for Schiller Instituttet Helga Zepp-LaRouche opfordret til en international konference om en ny sikkerhedsmæssig og økonomisk arkitektur, der skal tage hensyn til alle landes fælles interesser. Har De en kommentarer til dette – nogen af ministrene?

“Den danske forsvarsminister Morten Bødskov: Der er kun én kommentar, nemlig at det JEF-samarbejde, som vi har indgået her, er vejen frem. Vi står sammen her i dag, for at bekræfte vores værdier, vores samarbejde, og det er vejen frem for den region, som vi befinder os i nu, og jeg er glad for, at vores britiske kollega og min svenske kollega er til stede her i dag.” 

Under den korte pressekonference om morgenen, rejste BBC spørgsmålet om atomkrig, da der blev spurgt, om Rusland i lyset af det russiske angreb på et ukrainsk atomkraftværk, ville være indstillet på at bruge atomvåben. Den britiske forsvarsminister Ben Wallace, nedtonede faren ved den nuværende situation med atomkraftværket. Han advarede Rusland mod at ramme atomkraftværker ved et uheld eller med vilje, og erklærede, at Putins tankegang synes at være, at der ikke er nogen grænser. Putin bør mindes om, at NATO er en konventionel og nuklear alliance. 

Under eftermiddagens pressekonference var {EIR} den anden journalist i rækken, der stillede et spørgsmål, forud for en national dansk TV2-journalist, der sendte direkte, og som stillede fire spørgsmål om, hvorvidt denne Joint Expeditionary Force-øvelse risikerer at eskalere den nuværende krise. Svaret fra den danske minister var bl.a., at vi er nødt til at trække en streg i sandet over for Putin og sikre friheden i Østersøområdet. {EIR} vil udsende endnu en video med denne udveksling på dansk, efterfulgt af {EIR}s spørgsmål og svar.

English:

COPENHAGEN, March 4 (ERINS) — EIR asked the question at a press conference with the ministers of defense from Denmark, Great Britain and Sweden, aboard the Danish frigate Niels Juel, on the occasion of the start of the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) military exercise in the Baltic Sea. The JEF is led by Great Britain, and this exercise, with the starting point in Denmark, also includes Sweden, and the three Baltic countries.

Danish Defense Minister Morten Bødskov answered EIR’s question, alongside British Defense Minister Ben Wallace and Swedish Defense Minister Peter Hultqvist.

The press conference was broadcast live and is archived on Danish TV2, and there were film crews and reporters from other Danish media, Sweden, Great Britain (BBC), Agence France Press, and maybe other countries, so it might also have been covered live in other countries.

“EIR: Michelle Rasmussen from Executive Intelligence Review in the United States. Given the seriousness of war in Ukraine and the danger of escalation, even up to nuclear war, the president of the Schiller Institute Helga Zepp-LaRouche has called for an international conference for a new security and economic architecture to address the interests of all countries. Do you have any comments to that — any of the ministers?

Danish Defense Minister Morten Bødskov: There is only one comment, that the JEF (Joint Expeditionary Force) cooperation that we have made here is the way forward. We stand together here, today, to confirm our values, our cooperation, and that’s the way forward for the region that we are in now, and I’m glad that our British colleague and my Swedish colleague are here today.”

During the morning short press conference, the BBC reporter brought the nuclear war question up when he asked if, in light of the Russian attack on a Ukrainian nuclear plant, Russia would be in the mindset to use nuclear weapons. British Defense Minister Ben Wallace played down the danger of the current nuclear plant situation, warned Russia against hitting nuclear plants by accident or intention, said that Putin’s mindset seemed to be that there are no limits, and Putin should be reminded that NATO is a conventional and nuclear alliance.

During the afternoon press conference EIR was the second journalist to ask a question, preceded by a national Danish TV2 journalist, broadcasting live, who asked four questions about if this Joint Expeditionary Force exercise can escalate the current crisis. The answer from the Danish minister included that we have to draw a line in the sand for Putin, and ensure freedom in the Baltic region. EIR will release another video with this exchange in Danish and followed by the EIR question and answer.




POLITISK ORIENTERING den 3. marts 2022:
Militær støtte til Ukraine og økonomisk krig imod Rusland
kan ende med atomkrig

Med formand Tom Gillesberg kl. 13

Lyd: 

Resumé:

Folk er i chok over Ruslands invasion af Ukraine. Hvordan kunne det ske? Der var ellers mange advarsler over lang, lang tid, som man overhørte. Vil man overse alle tegnene på, at konflikten mellem Vesten og Rusland kan eskalere til atomkrig? Det er ikke nok at håbe på, at det ikke sker. “Hope is not a strategy”. Man stopper ikke krigen i Ukraine gennem at sende våben til at bekæmpe Rusland. Fanatikere i Vesten håber, at Ukraine vil blive det nye Afghanistan for Rusland, men hvordan gik det så efterfølgende for Afghanistan? 27 millioner afghanere sulter nu og mange dør pga. af mangel på alt, mens USA og Vesten har indefrosset Afghanistans penge. Er afghanske liv mindre værd end europæiske?

Det er ikke et spørgsmål om, hvorvidt man holder med Ukraine eller Rusland, men om, hvordan vi får stoppet udviklingen mod global krig. Hvis ikke total økonomisk og kulturel krigsførelse imod Rusland, en chok og skræk-politik, vil få Rusland til at overgive sig til Vestens overherredømme, hvad så? Udryddelse med atomvåben? Hvis ikke Kina går med i blokaden af Rusland, skal vi så også i fuld økonomisk krig med Kina? Det vestlige finanssystem er allerede på vej mod en total nedsmeltning. Nulrente-politikken og ubegrænset likviditet til finansmarkederne er snart forbi. Så står verden med et uoverstigeligt gældsbjerg, der kollapser. Vil udelukkelse af Rusland fra SWIFT-systemet blive et nyt Lehmann Brothers? Sanktionerne vil ramme Europa lige så hårdt som Rusland, og økonomien er i forvejen presser af de høje gas- og energipriser og forsyningskrisen.

Hvad er den egentlige vestligt iscenesatte årsag til krisen mellem Rusland og Ukraine, som er censureret ud af den vestlige fortælling om krisen? Først var der udvidelsen af Nato i flere omgange imod alle løfter. Så kom den farvede revolution i Ukraine og husk på, at det var et vestligt organiseret statskup, der udløste Krims tilslutning til Rusland og krisen i Østukraine. Hvad har man i Vesten gjort for de civile i Østukraine eller for at sikre gennemførelsen af Minsk-aftalen?

Det drejer sig ikke om Ukraine men om den internationale verdensorden. Rusland og Kina annoncerede den 4. februar 2022, at man ikke længere vil acceptere amerikanske og vestlige diktater. Kina ved, at hvis Vesten kan knække Rusland, så er de den næste på listen. Kinas Bælte- og Vej-Initiativ og Ruslands energipolitik er et alternativ for Afrika, Sydamerika og Asien. Vil USA starte atomkrig for at stoppe det eller vil Vesten i stedet finde ud af at begrave geopolitikken og samarbejde om økonomisk udvikling?

Skriv under på Schiller Instituttets appel for en indkaldelse til en international konference for at etablere en ny arkitektur for sikkerhed og udvikling for alle nationer. Bryd censuren og skab diskussion og dialog om, hvad der egentlig foregår, og hvordan vi finder en løsning gennem dialog og samarbejde. Freden kan ikke sikres gennem konfrontation og krig! Når først vi overraskes af atomkrig er det for sent.




City of London og Wall Street har erklæret krig mod Rusland og Kina

Den 2. marts (EIRNS) – Den ildkamp, der er udbrudt på Ruslands vestlige flanke, kan indtil videre være begrænset til blot to nationer, Ukraine og Rusland – med den overhængende fare for eskalering til en termonuklear konfrontation mellem supermagterne. Men City of London og Wall Street har allerede indledt en økonomisk og finansiel {verdenskrig} for at udslette både Rusland og Kina. Den franske finansminister, Bruno Le Maire, er muligvis blevet tvunget til offentligt at trække sin indiskrete meddelelse fra den 28. februar med hensigten om at anvende “det finansielle atomvåben” mod Rusland tilbage, men det internationale finansielle etablissement har fortsat en politik, der er uændret: ” At føre en altomfattende finansiel og økonomisk krig mod Rusland”. Denne politik blev bekendtgjort over for pressen af to spydige, unavngivne embedsmænd fra den amerikanske regering den 25. januar. Den blev gentaget i en anden baggrundsbriefing i Det Hvide Hus den 28. februar. Og det er fortsat det konstante trommeslag fra de britiske finansmedier og deres amerikanske repræsentanter i dag.

Præsident Biden blev også instrueret til at bruge de første femten minutter af sin ”Tale om Nationens Tilstand” den 1. marts, på en “jeg-er-en-hård-negl”-aggressiv dundertale mod Rusland, hvor han ikke en eneste gang berørte de meget reelle og helt legitime sikkerhedsmæssige bekymringer, som dette land gentagne gange har udtrykt, over for NATO’s indtrængen helt op til dets grænser.

Dette er ikke en krise, der er udløst af nationer, men af det overnationale finansoligarki, der styrer det bankerotte transatlantiske finanssystem. I lyset af deres egen truende fallit – er der virkelig nogen der tror, at 2 billioner dollars i finansiel spekulation nogensinde kan betales tilbage? – er det finansielle etablissements politik at “omdirigere billioner” væk bag en global grøn nulstilling. Dette er en malthusiansk affolkningspolitik, der skal gennemføres ved at fremtvinge et nedadgående skift til økonomiske aktiviteter med lav energitæthed og ved at indstille industriel aktivitet i hele verden. Med denne politik, der gennemtvinges i den transatlantiske sektor som de kontrollerer, kan City of London og Wall Street-etablissementet tydeligvis ikke tillade, at Kina og Rusland udvikler sig og trives og dermed tjener som et eksempel for resten af verden. Derfor er der altomfattende krig – militært, økonomisk og psykologisk – rettet mod Rusland og Kina, og som opsluger verden i dag.

Da prins Charles på COP 26-mødet sidste år erklærede, at for at gennemføre sin politik for grøn omstilling “må vi sætte os selv i et krigslignende beredskab”, og “vi har brug for en omfattende militaristisk kampagne”, havde han helt sikkert det i tankerne, som nu er blevet iværksat mod Rusland.

Folk i alle nationer er begyndt at indse, at de er nødt til at modsætte sig denne politik for grøn afindustrialisering og krig, hvis de skal overleve. Så meget desto mere, eftersom der findes et alternativ til den selvmorderiske politiske kurs, der er blevet vedtaget i Vesten. Højtstående repræsentanter fra den kinesiske regering fortsætter med at række hånden ud til USA og Europa, samt til nationer i udviklingssektoren, og inviterer dem til at tilslutte sig Bælte- og Vej-Initiativets globale infrastrukturpolitik. Præsident Xi Jinping foreslog det oprindeligt til den daværende præsident Obama, som afviste tilbuddet uden videre. Det samme var tilfældet med præsident Trump. Så sent som den 28. februar gentog den kinesiske udenrigsminister, Wang Yi, at Kina er åben overfor at USA deltager i Bælte- og Vej-Initiativet.

Det er akkurat denne økonomisk politiske retning, der er påkrævet som grundlag for den nye internationale sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur, som Schiller Instituttet har opfordret til. Vær venlig at underskrive og cirkulere Schiller Instituttets opfordring: Indkaldelse til en international konference for at etablere en ny arkitektur for sikkerhed og udvikling for alle nationer –

https://schillerinstitut.dk/si/2022/02/en-ny-arkitektur-for-sikkerhed-og-udvikling-for-alle-nationer/ – 

og mobiliser for at få denne politik diskuteret og debatteret internationalt. Ligesom {De føderale Dokumenter} var nødvendige for at uddybe USA’s forfatningsmæssige form for selvstyre, er der i dag et behov for en dybtgående dialog for at etablere en international sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur til at muliggøre selvstyre for alle nationer i verdenssamfundet – og forbande City of London og Wall Street!

Udvalgt billede: Pexels CCO

 




Verdenskrig kan være tæt på lige nu – her er hvad der må gøres

Den 27. februar (EIRNS) – Der blev taget syvmileskridt mod en verdenskrig – en termonuklear krig – i løbet af denne weekend. Det mest omtalte var den russiske præsident Vladimir Putins meddelelse i morges om, at han havde bedt sin forsvarsminister, Sergei Shoigu, og generalstabschef, Valery Gerasimov, om at sætte de russiske strategiske atomstyrker i højeste alarmberedskab. 

Han fremsatte sin udmelding efter økonomiske angreb på det russiske banksystem, forsøg på at fastfryse og stjæle Ruslands finansielle reserver og få landets valuta og banker til at krakke, samt forbud mod samtlige russiske flyvninger og alle russiske medier, mens europæiske højteknologiske våben og lejesoldater strømmede ind i Ukraine for at kæmpe. RIA Novosti citerede Putin som følger: “De vestlige lande foretager ikke kun fjendtlige handlinger mod vores land på det økonomiske område, hvormed jeg mener de ulovlige sanktioner, som alle kender meget godt, men de højeste embedsmænd i de førende NATO-lande fremsætter også aggressive udtalelser mod vores land. Derfor beordrer jeg forsvarsministeren og generalstabschefen til at sætte de russiske væbnede styrkers [atomare] afskrækkelses styrker i et særligt beredskab.”

Vi befinder os nu helt klart i en form for Cuba-krise fra oktober 1962, tættere end nogen, der levede dengang, nogensinde ønskede at komme til atomkrig. De amerikanske militære ledere ønskede dengang at indlede krig mod Cuba; hvis præsident Kennedy ikke havde stoppet dem og forhandlet sig frem til en løsning, ville USA’s østlige byer have været ramt af en regn af atommissiler. Nu ønsker USA’s og Europas politiske og militære ledere, der i årtier har været vant til at brutalisere mindre lande med krige og økonomisk strangulering, at provokere Rusland til krig og ødelægge det. 

Disse ledere har omgivet Rusland med fjendtlige militære – herunder atomare – kapaciteter i et omfang, som Rusland ikke kan acceptere. De har flyttet sig for at gøre Ukraine – der strækker sig dybt ind i selve Rusland – til deres ultimative militære anti-Rusland-platform. Præsident Putin advarede dem for 15 år siden i en tale i 2007 på Sikkerhedskonferencen i München i Tyskland om, at Rusland ikke kunne tolerere at blive omringet og omsluttet af fjendtlige styrker på ubestemt tid. Men efter at have tændt denne krigs lunte, er de nu ved at puste til den, så den kan blive atomar. (Se Putins tale, {EIR}, 23. februar 2007.)

Når først atomvåbenangreb indledes et sted, vil det omslutte hele kloden. 

Nu må der anlægges en helt anden tilgang, hvor strategisk stabilitet baseres på økonomisk udvikling. Nu skal Lyndon LaRouches økonomiske og videnskabelige udviklingspolitik stå på dagsordenen. Den har længe været negligeret som umulig (som at vende tilbage til principperne i Franklin Roosevelts Bretton Woods-kreditsystem), eller unødvendig (som at fremskynde udviklingen af laser- og fusionsplasma-teknologier i alle nationer), eller endog latterlig (som at nationer samarbejder om at kolonisere Månen og udforske Mars). Disse politikker er den sidste chance for fred nu – den allersidste chance.

Schiller Instituttet iværksatte den 25. februar en underskriftsindsamling i denne krise: “Indkaldelse til en international konference for at etablere en ny arkitektur for sikkerhed og udvikling for alle nationer”.

Skriv under her.

“Enhver person”, opfordrede Helga Zepp-LaRouche i dag, “bør med alle midler bestræbe sig for at udbrede denne underskriftsindsamling {og diskutere den}.” Få andre til at diskutere den og til at skrive om den i alt fra internet-kommentarer til simple læserbreve. “Blot 50 førende personer i verden, der opfordrer til at fremme denne idé, kunne sammenkalde en vigtig konference.” 

Spørg, hvorfor så mange millioner mennesker for 60 år siden i oktober i år var så alarmerede over, at atomkrig truede dem; og nu, efter 25 års krig og med verdens næststørste atommissilstyrke i højeste beredskab, lader folk som om det ikke kan ske. Måske var vi dengang mere moralsk egnede til at overleve? 

En effektiv, omfattende mobilisering for denne underskriftindsamling og denne konference er det eneste anliggende, der kan skabe et alternativ til den yderligere udvikling hen imod en verdenskrig. Underskriftindsamlingen er bogstaveligt talt blevet udarbejdet for at civilisationen kan overleve.

Udvalgt billede: Pexels




Den militære operation i Ukraine er en åbenlys påmindelse om behovet for at skabe
en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur

Den 24. februar (EIRNS) –“Før vi endelig og uigenkaldeligt når det punkt, hvor der ikke er nogen vej tilbage i menneskehedens historie – det punkt, hvor en global, atomkrig udsletter den menneskelige art – må vi handle prompte for at rette op på den absolutte katastrofe, som EU’s og USA’s imperialistiske politik har skabt i Ukraine og i relationen til Rusland og Kina. Og vi må især fjerne årsagerne til denne civilisationskrise, før vi når et punkt, hvor der ikke er nogen vej tilbage.” Sådan skrev Helga Zepp-LaRouche i en artikel den 8. marts 2014. Otte år senere er hendes analyse absolut helt rigtig.  

NATO’s og USA’s manglende evne til at reagere seriøst på Ruslands sikkerhedskrav fra december 2021, har ført til en situation, hvor præsident Putin vurderede, at han ikke havde andet valg end at iværksætte en “speciel militæroperation” i Ukraine for at opnå en demilitarisering og afnazificering af landet, før situationen i Ukraine, herunder stigende mængder materiel og udenlandske militærpersoner, skabte en aldeles uudholdelig sikkerhedstrussel.

Den bogstaveligt talt nazistiske trussel i Ukraine, der blev installeret ved dette kup, blev beskrevet i en omfattende redegørelse, der blev offentliggjort af {Executive Intelligence Review} i februar 2014: “Western Powers Back Neo-Nazi Coup in Ukraine”. (Kilde)

Rødderne til den civilisatoriske krise, der driver det vanvittige stormløb mod en konflikt med Rusland og Kina, er det transatlantiske finanssystems disintegration, og den kuldsejlede plan om at bruge militære trusler og “grøn” afpresning for at opretholde den transatlantiske elites unipolære overherredømme.

Som det fremgår af Schiller Instituttets underskriftsindsamling af 23. februar – som får et stigende antal underskrifter – “bag denne meget reelle krigsfare og årsagen til denne fare, ligger sammenbruddet af hele det transatlantiske finanssystem –  City of London og Wall Street, ejerne af dette bankerotte system, er desperate efter at ødelægge ethvert fungerende alternativ til deres system – såsom Ruslands og Kinas alliance – og det finansielle etablissement har åbent tilkendegivet, at det er det, der er på spil.”

Vil dette etablissementets vanvittige krav om underkastelse blive overvundet og erstattet af et nyt paradigme, en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur for alle nationer? Svaret ligger i vores hænder. Slut dig til LaRouche-bevægelsens bestræbelser for at kræve en omgående sammenkaldelse af en international konference, i lighed med den der udformede den Westfalske Fred.

Underskriftsindsamlingen er tilgængelig på dansk her:

https://www.skrivunder.net/krig_eller_fred

Udvalgt billede: Shane Aldendorff, Pexels

 




Nu med de første prominente underskrivere:
Underskriftindsamling: Indkaldelse til en international konference for at etablere
en ny arkitektur for sikkerhed og udvikling for alle nationer

Se de første prominente underskrivere nedenunder.

23. februar 2022 — I lyset af den eskalerende Ukraine-krise spørger folk rundt om i verden indtrængende sig selv og deres politiske ledere, hvor det hele skal ende. Er dette på vej mod en meget stor, måske endda termonuklear, global konfrontation? Står vi over for en omvendt, farligere Cuba-krise? Vil menneskeheden overhovedet overleve?

Bag denne meget reelle krigsfare og årsagen til denne, ligger sammenbruddet af hele det transatlantiske finanssystem. En spekulationsboble af derivater og gæld på næsten 2 billiarder dollars er allerede ved at gå op i røg. En proces med hyperinflation er blevet udløst globalt, med et ledsagende sammenbrud af de vestlige nationers fysiske økonomier. City of London og Wall Street, ejerne af dette bankerotte system, er desperate efter at ødelægge ethvert fungerende alternativ til deres system – såsom Ruslands og Kinas alliance omkring Bælte- og Vej-initiativet, som nu omfatter næsten 150 nationer – og det finansielle etablissement har åbent erkendt, at det er det, der er på spil.

Det samme har Vladimir Putin, som med rette har erklæret, at USA’s/Storbritanniens/NATO’s ubarmhjertige ekspansion mod øst, op til Ruslands grænser, er drevet af denne økonomiske politik, og at den truer Ruslands nationale sikkerhed på en måde, som Rusland ikke kan acceptere.

For at standse fremdriften mod krig, er det derfor nødvendigt at anvende en mere gennemgribende tilgang, nemlig at etablere et helt nyt paradigme, som vil sikre sikkerheden og den økonomiske udvikling for alle nationer på jorden. Den eneste nyere præcedens for dette i Vesten, er den Westfalske Fred fra 1648, som satte en stopper for 150 års religionskrige i Europa. Den blev først udformet på det tidspunkt, hvor alle parter indså, at hvis de fortsatte ad deres nuværende vej, ville der ikke være nogen vindere og meget få overlevende. De valgte at skabe et nyt paradigme, baseret på forsvaret af den andens interesser, og på den forudsætning at alles sikkerhed var den grundlæggende forudsætning for hver parts sikkerhed.

Det er den vigtigste læresætning af den Westfalske Fred for i dag. Verden står i dag ved en lignende skillevej. Hvis den nuværende geopolitiske politik fortsætter, udgør en atomkrig en meget reel mulighed – hvorefter der ikke vil være nogen vindere, og sandsynligvis heller ingen overlevende.

I stedet må der straks indkaldes til en international konference, i stil med det Westfalske Fredsinitiativ. Den grundlæggende opgave for alle parter er at sikre, at der tages hensyn til de centrale økonomiske og sikkerhedsmæssige interesser for hver enkelt part – med andre ord en orden baseret på den andens fordel, på det fælles bedste, eller den almene velfærd, og på en grundlæggende kærlighed til hele menneskeheden.

Det økonomiske system må også omformes drastisk for at give udtryk for dette livssyn. Den berømte amerikanske økonom Lyndon LaRouche specificerede meget detaljeret, hvordan et sådant system ville fungere, baseret på det han kaldte sine Fire Love:

Den øjeblikkelige genindførelse af Glass/Steagall-loven, som blev iværksat af den amerikanske præsident Franklin D. Roosevelt, uden ændringer, hvad angår handlingsprincippet. Det betyder, at hele den spekulative finansboble skal underkastes en konkursbehandling.

En tilbagevenden til et system med topstyret og nøje defineret nationalt banksystem, som angivet af USA’s første finansminister, Alexander Hamilton.

Formålet med brugen af et sådant føderalt kreditsystem er at skabe højproduktive udviklingsforløb med henblik på at forbedre beskæftigelsen, med den ledsagende hensigt at øge den fysisk-økonomiske produktivitet og levestandarden for personer og husholdninger.

Vedtag et “lynprogram” med fusionsdrevet teknologi for at fremme de grundlæggende videnskabelige gennembrud, som ubegrænset økonomisk vækst og udvikling kræver.

Schiller Instituttet og dets grundlægger, Helga Zepp-LaRouche, udsender denne opfordring for at igangsætte den presserende internationale diskussion, der er nødvendig for at indkalde til en sådan konference og stoppe det såkaldte “Dommedagsur”, før det slår midnat. Det er på høje tid, at institutioner og enkeltpersoner fra alle nationer træder frem og slutter sig til mobiliseringen for en international konference med henblik på at etablere en ny sikkerheds- og udviklingsarkitektur for alle nationer.

Skriv under på underskriftindsamlingen her på skrivunder.net:


Links til underskriftindsamlingen på andre sprog: 
Spanish, Italian, FrenchSwedishArabicDanishPortugese, German, and Chinese.

North America (U.S. and Canada)

   
Canada Julian Fell Biologist; Co-Director Area F, Regional Government of Nanaimo, British Columbia
Canada Faisal Huda CEO, BUNA Capital Inc.
Canada Bill MacPherson Past President, Applied Science Technologists and Technicians of British Columbia
Canada John Stone MChE, Member, Association of Professional Engineers, Geologists and Geophysicists of Alberta
United States Dr. Athar Abbasi Major, U.S. Army (Ret)
United States Jon Baker Agricultural Bank Loan Officer
United States James Benham State President, Indiana Farmers Union; Board Member, National Farmers Union
United States Fr. Lawrence Bernard Order of Friars Minor (OFM)
United States Mike Callicrate Farm leader, Kansas/Colorado
United States Marshall Carter-Tripp Foreign Service Officer (ret), former political science professor
United States Victor Chang US-China Forum, Inc.
United States Alan Covey Political activist
United States Joel Dejean LaRouche Independent Candidate for U.S. Congress – 38th District (Texas)
United States Dr. Joycelyn Elders Former U.S. Surgeon-General
United States Frank Endres Farm Leader, California
United States Christopher Fogarty Chair, Chicago Friends of Irish Freedom; author of “Ireland 1845-1850; the Perfect Holocaust, and Who Kept it ‘Perfect’.”
United States Graham Fuller Former CIA Officer and Vice Chair of the National Intelligence Council
United States Matthew Griener City Council, Keota, Iowa
United States Dr. Bihong Guan Chairman, World Association of Chinee Elites
United States DeWayne Hopkins Former two-term mayor; current at-large Councilman, Muscatine, Iowa
United States James Jatras Former U.S. Diplomat and Advisor to U.S. Senate Republican Leadership
United States Dr. Ernest Johnson President Emeritus, Louisiana NAACP; civil rights attorney
United States Wilbur Kehrli National Board of Directors, American Blue Cattle
United States George Koo Chairman, Burlingame Foundation; retired international business consultant
United States Keaten Mansfield Center for Political Innovation, Chief of U.S. Staff
United States Caleb Maupin Founder and Director, Center for Political Innovation
United States David Meiswinkle Attorney and former President of the Lawyers’ Committee for 9/11 Inquiry
United States John OLoughlin  
United States Jeff Philbin Nuclear Engineer, Technical Consultant, Independent Contractor
United States Sam Pitroda Inventor and entrepreneur; Chairman, Indian Overseas Congress
United States Earl Rasmussen Executive Vice President, Eurasia Center
United States Diane Sare LaRouche Independent Candidate for U.S. Senate – New York
United States Naser Shahalemi Executive Director, End Afghan Starvation
United States John Shanahan Editor, website: allaboutenergy.net
United States Barbara Suhrstedt International concert pianist
United States Everett Suttle Opera singer
United States Bruce Todd Former Independent candidate for NJ Lt. Governor; Retired Millwright, Local 715
United States Mohammad Ashraf Toor, MD Chairman, Pakistani American Congress
United States Bob Van Hee Redwood County Commissioner, Minnesota
United States Zaher Wahab Professor Emeritus of Education, former Advisor to the Afghanistan Ministry of Higher Education

United States

Alan Waltar Retired Professor and Head, Dept. of Nuclear Engineering, Texas A&M University; Past President , American Nuclear Society

Europe

   
Belgium Frans Vandenbosch Author of “Statecraft and Society in China”
Denmark Tom Gillesberg Director, Schiller Institute, Denmark; former parliamentary candidate
Denmark Jelena Nielsen Director, Russian-Danish Dialogue
Denmark Jens Jørgen Nielsen Former Moscow correspondent, Danish daily Politiken; author of books about Russia and Ukraine; a leader of Russian-Danish Dialogue
Denmark Thomas Vissing Director of a China-Nordic trading company
Denmark Dr. Li Xing Professor of Development and International Relations, Department of Politics and Society, Aalborg University
Donetsk People’s Republic Russell “Texas” Bentley Journalist, Former Vice President of Donbass Humanitarian Aid
France Jacques Cheminade President, Solidarité et Progrès, former presidential candidate
France Alain Corvez
Col. (Ret.), International strategy advisor; former advisor to the Commanding General of the United Nations Force in South Lebanon (UNIFIL)
France Ali Ratsbeen President, Academie Géopolitique de Paris
Germany Dr. jur. Wolfgang Bittner Author
Germany Ole Doering Professor, Hunan Normal University; Associate Professor, Dep’t. for Global Health, Peking University; Privatdozent, KIT
Germany Rainer Sandau Technical Director, Satellites and Space Applications, International Academy of Astronautics (IAA)
Germany Helga Zepp-LaRouche Founder and Chairwoman, Schiller Insitute
Greece Leonidas Chrysanthopoulos Ambassador ad Honorem; Secretary General, Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC), 2006-2012
Greece George Tsobanoglou Professor of Sociology, University of the Aegean
Italy Mario Agostinelli Chairman, Fondazione Energia Felice
Italy Pino Arlacchi Former Director, United Nations Drug Control Programme; Professor of Sociology, University of Sassari
Italy Prof. Bruno Brandimarte Professor of Electronic Measurement, Rome
Italy Nino Galloni Economist
Italy Liliana Gorini Chairwoman of Movisol (Movimento Internacionale per i Diritti Civili Solidarietà
Italy Prof. Fabio Massimo Parenti Associate Professor of International Studies, CFAU, Beijing
Italy Vincenzo Romanello Nuclear Engineer, Founder of Atomi per la Pace (Atoms for Peace), Lecce.Italy
Italy Alessia Ruggeri Spokeswoman of Comitato per la Repubblica, Rome, Italy
Monaco Aleksandar Krainer Author, “Grand Deception: The Truth about Bill Browder, the Magnitsky Act and Anti-Russian Sanctions”; financial consultant
Netherlands Guus Berkhout Professor-Emeritus Geophysics, President of CLINTEL
Norway Thore Vestby Former mayor and MP; Cofounder, ICHI Foundation
Spain Juan José Torres Núñez Free-lance journalist, poet
Sweden Hussein Askary Southwest Asia Coordinator, Schiller Institute
Sweden Kjell Lundqvist Chairman, European Labor Party
Sweden Ulf Sandmark Chairman, Schiller Institute, Sweden

United Kingdom

Mike Robinson Editor, The UK Column 

Ibero-America/Caribbean

   
Argentina Enrique Juan Box Media personality
Argentina Luis Bragagnolo Peronist leader; Veterinarian
Argentina Roberto Fritzsche Professor, Department of Economic Science, University of Buenos Aires
Argentina Ruben Darìo Guzzetti Professor, Argentine Institute of Geopolitical Studies
Argentina Juan Francisco Numa Soto Constitutional Attorney
Argentina Carlos Perez Galindo Attorney at Law
Argentina Alejandro Yaya Vice President, Civilian Institute of Space Technology
Bolivia Edwin De la Fuente Jeria Former Commander in Chief of the Bolivian Armed Forces
Bolivia Max Ibañez Former Secretary of Grievance Resolution, National Federation of Electrical, Telephone and Water Workers of Bolivia
Bolivia Sandra Marca Uscamayta Integration Coordinator for the Peasant, Indigenous and Native Economic Organizations of Bolivia
Brazil Jairo Dias Carvalho Professor, Philosophy of Technology, Federal University of Uberlândia
Brazil Igor Maquieira Biologist; member of CLINTEL
Colombia Mario Guillermo Acosta Alarcon Scientist and author; General Director of CIFRA (Space Lab City)
Colombia Ross Carvajal Journalist
Colombia Everardo Hernandez Pardo Trade union leader
Colombia Alba Luz Pinilla Vice-President of DIGNIDAD Political Movement
Colombia Pedro Rubio President, Association of Officials of the General Accounting Office of the Republic
Dominican Republic Ramon Emilio Concepcion Attorney at Law; Presidential Pre-candidate for the PRM party (2020)
Dominican Republic Ramon Gross Post-graduate Professor, Catholic University of Santo Domingo
Dominican Republic Dante Ortiz Nunez Historian; Professor of History, Autonomous University of Santo Domingo
Dominican Republic Domingo Reyes Former professor of economics, Ph.D. in Higher Education
Dominican Republic Rafael Reyes Jerez TV producer, “Face to Face” and “Economics and Politics” on Chanel 69 Teleradioamérica
Haiti Jhonny Estor Founder, Renaissance-Haiti
Haiti Dr. Garnel Michel Physician and author; his book ‘Bak Lakay’ calls the diaspora to return and help rebuild Haiti
Mexico Edith Cabrera Founder and Director of “Coalition #24F Life and Liberty for Julian Assange”
Mexico Oscar Ramon Castro Valdez General Director, “Dossier Político” internet publication
Mexico Daniel Estulin Publicist
Mexico Simon Levy Founder, Cátedra México-China, National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM)
Mexico Enrique Lopez Ochoa Surgeon, Professor of Angiology, UNISON School of Medicine
Mexico Daniel Marmolejo Investigative journalist, winner of the 2019 National Journalism Award
Mexico Marino Montoya Contreras Journalist for El Centinela and LGM News
Mexico Francisco Quezada Mathematician; Professor Department of Sciences and Humanities, National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM)
Mexico Antonio Valdez Journalist
Mexico Jaime Varela Salazar Chemical Engineer; Former Director of the Department of Chemical Sciences, University of Sonora (UNISON)
Peru José Antonio Benllochpiquer Castro Vice President, Christian Democratic Party
Peru Fernando Fauche National Secretary, Christian Democratic Party
Peru Adrian Flores Konja Former Dean of Accounting Sciences, National University of San Marcos
Peru Carlos Francisco Gallardo Neyra President, Christian Democratic Party
Peru Ruben Rojas Nuclear Physicist
Peru Milton Vela-Gutierrez Professor, University of Lima
Venezuela Emil Guevara Muñoz Member of Parliament, Latin American Parliament (2006-2011)

Venezuela

Edgar Rodriguez Martinez Alberto Adriani Foundation

Africa/Asia/Australia

   
Africa Tse Anye Kevin Deputy President, State55 Afrika
Australia Trudy Campbell Australian Citizens Party
Congo, Republic of Diogène Senny President of Ligue Panafricaine – UMOJA Congo; Coordination avec les Partis Panafricanistes
Guinea Jacques Bacamurwanko Former Ambassador of Burundi to the United States
Iraq Mustafa Jabbar Sanad Member, Council of Representatives (Parliament), Basrah
Lebanon Basham El Hachem Professor of Political Sociology, Doctoral School, l’Université du Liban
Malaysia Dr. Isharaf Hossain President & Principal Research Fellow, Muslim World Research Center (MWRC), Kuala Lumpur.
Mozambique Samo Fernando Soares da Manhiça Executive Director, International Alliance for Development – Mozambique
Pakistan Shakeel Ahmad Ramay Chief Executive Officer, Asian Institute of Eco-Civilization Research and Development (AIERD), Islamabad
Pakistan Khalid Latif Executive Director, Center of Pakistan and International Relations (COPAIR); Program Director (Middle East)
Yemen Fouad Al-Ghaffari President, ALBRICS Yemeni Youth Parliament

 

Panel 2:
 




Tale af Helga Zepp-LaRouche, Schiller Instituttets konference,
“100 sekunder til midnat på dommedagsuret: Vi har brug for en ny sikkerhedsarkitektur!”

Den 19. februar 2022

HELGA ZEPP-LAROUCHE: God eftermiddag, god aften, alt efter hvor på planeten du befinder dig.

Hvis man ser på den nuværende strategiske situation ovenfra, ud fra historiens lange historiske bue, hvordan skal menneskeheden så skænke sig selv institutioner, der sikrer dens overlevelse på lang sigt, samt ud fra den nuværende dynamik mellem et Kina i fremgang og Asien generelt og et svigtende vestligt liberalt system, synes det at være indlysende, at resultatet af denne historiske æra må være et nyt paradigme i de internationale relationer. Fortsættelsen af geopolitik, som i øjeblikket har bragt os på randen af atomkrig, og det vanvid som ingen steder kommer tydeligere til udtryk end i den militærdoktrin, der ligger bag manøvren “Global Lightning”, som forudsætter en langvarig atomkrig – denne geopolitik må erstattes af en international sikkerhedsarkitektur, der garanterer sikkerhedsinteresserne for alle nationer på jorden, herunder Rusland og Kina samt udviklingslandene.

Konfucius tilskrives den idé, at det første, der skal til for at løse et problem, er at bringe orden i begreberne, for hvis begreberne er i uorden, fører det til misforståelser, som fører til skænderier, som fører til rystelse af statens fundament, og der kan ikke være nogen harmoni i verden. Derfor er det en af de mest presserende opgaver at klarlægge forskellen mellem den historiske sandhed om, hvad der er sket i løbet af de sidste godt 30 år, siden Sovjetunionens opløsning, og den officielle “beretning “, der fortælles i de vestlige mainstream-medier, og faktisk i disse dage nu på sikkerhedskonferencen i München, hvor en bred repræsentation af eliten i NATO-fraktionen er til stede. Og hvor det ser ud til, at udenrigsminister Tony Blinken og den tyske udenrigsminister Annalena Baerbock synes at være to alen ud af et stykke – hvilket er et forbløffende skuespil.

Disse kræfters officielle linje er, at Putin er aggressoren, at Rusland er det eneste land, der har ændret grænserne i Europa i efterkrigstiden med magt, nemlig på Krim, og at den eneste relevante kamp er mellem de liberale demokratier og de aggressive, autokratiske stater, at NATO aldrig har gjort noget forkert, og at Rusland nægter suveræne lande som Ukraine retten til at vælge den alliance, de ønsker at være en del af. Det sidste, disse medier og politikere ønsker, er en præcis undersøgelse af, hvordan denne nuværende situation er opstået.

Men at tingene sættes på plads, er en uomgængelig forudsætning for at nå frem til en positiv løsning på den nuværende situation. Sovjetunionens sammenbrud betød ikke den vestlige liberale models overlegenhed. Det kollapsede af præcis de årsager, som Lyndon LaRouche identificerede i 1984, nemlig dets tilslutning til Ogarkov-doktrinen, afvisningen af at acceptere præsident Reagans tilbud om at samarbejde om det, der senere blev kaldt det Strategiske Forsvarsinitiativ (SDI), som min afdøde mand Lyndon LaRouche var ophavsmand til, og fastholdelsen af principperne for det, som den sovjetiske økonom Preobrazhensky havde betegnet som “primitiv social akkumulation”. Pave Johannes Paul II advarede dengang eftertrykkeligt om, at Vesten ikke skulle drage den konklusion, at de var moralsk overlegne, og som bevis herpå pegede han på udviklingssektorens tilstand, der var fattig og underudviklet, som et biprodukt af det vestlige liberale system.

I denne periode mellem Berlinmurens fald og Warszawa-pagtens opløsning, var der en reel chance for noget helt nyt: Kommunismen var forsvundet, Vesten havde ikke længere nogen fjende, og Lyndon LaRouche og hans bevægelse havde først foreslået den produktive trekant, Paris-Berlin-Wien, og derefter, efter Sovjetunionens sammenbrud, Den eurasiske Landbro som grundlag for skabelsen af en fredsordning for det 21. århundrede.

Den tidligere amerikanske ambassadør i Moskva, Jack Matlock, har gentagne gange eftertrykkeligt hævdet, at Sovjetunionen ikke udgjorde nogen trussel i de sidste år af sin eksistens, og at Den kolde Krig ikke sluttede med Sovjetunionen, men at den faktisk var slut to år tidligere, fordi Gorbatjov havde accepteret en demokratisering af Østeuropa og forskellige interne reformer, hvilket en stor del af den russiske befolkning hadede ham for, og betragtede ham som en forræder, i modsætning til folk i Vesten og især i Tyskland, som i store folkemængder råbte: “Gorby! Gorby! Gorby!”

Argumentet om at der aldrig blev givet noget løfte til Rusland om, at NATO ikke ville udvide sig mod øst er en åbenlys løgn, som er blevet afsløret af samtidige vidner såsom Matlock. Der foreligger en diskussion af den daværende amerikanske udenrigsminister, James Baker III, den 9. februar 1990, hvor han bekræftede over for Gorbatjov, at NATO “ikke ville rykke en tomme mod øst”. Og for ganske nylig, på spektakulær vis, af Roland Dumas, den daværende franske udenrigsminister. Tydeligvis, på grund af den akutte krigsfare, brød han for fem dage siden sin mangeårige tavshed og vidnede i et langt interview med den franske hjemmeside “Les Crises” om det, han havde fortalt vores franske repræsentant, Jacques Cheminade, privat, allerede tre år forinden: at der dengang var en meget vigtig forhandling om nedrustning og demilitarisering af Warszawa-pagten i gang.

Dumas sagde: “og diskussionen begyndte således. Det var den russiske diplomat som via Gorbatjov, men også via den russiske udenrigsminister, Sjevardnadze, bad om ordet, og som sagde: “Vi, den russiske delegation, vil gerne vide, hvad der kommer til at ske med NATO’s bevæbning i forbindelse med nedrustningen? Og vi kræver,” jeg husker det tydeligt; han var formel, “at de allierede tropper overholder to forpligtelser”. Den første, hvor han var meget sentimental, er den der vedrører bevarelsen af monumenter i alle de sovjetiske lande, til minde om den sovjetiske hærs ære. Den anden er, at der skal være en forpligtelse for Warszawa-pagtens og NATO’s tropper, og at der ikke må ske nogen forskydning af NATO-tropper i de områder af Sovjet-pagten, der skal afvæbnes.” Og på spørgsmålet om hvorfor det ikke blev nedfældet i de egentlige traktater, sagde han: “Det blev ikke nævnt. Det vil sige, at folk, så påpasselige som amerikanerne, folk i Atlant-alliancen, vi anmodede ikke om, at det blev nedskrevet. Det er muligt, men i forhold til karakteren af den generelle diskussion, det vil sige et forsøg på at afvæbne for at gøre en ende på truslen om krig, for det var det der betød noget, og for at forberede en anden periode i forbindelse med en tid, som var nedrustning, var det logisk.

“Så denne diskussion fandt sted: Den fandt først og fremmest sted, fordi russerne bad om det, fordi vi støttede det – først mig selv, og ligeledes amerikanerne, og naturligvis tyskerne.”

Jack Matlock understreger, at løftet om at selv før Sovjetunionens afslutning, var det almindeligt accepteret, at sikkerhed måtte betyde sikkerhed for alle, og at der var et argument, hvor Gorbatjov retfærdiggjorde en reduktion af oprustningen af det sovjetiske militær. Matlock fortæller også, at præsident Bush senior i en af sine sidste taler i Kiev, da der stadig var et Sovjetunionen, rådede ukrainerne til, at de burde tilslutte sig Gorbatjovs frivillige føderation, som han foreslog, og han advarede ukrainerne mod “selvmorderisk nationalisme”.

Lad os se videoen fra den tyske udenrigsminister Hans-Dietrich Genscher, som bekræftede dette meget tydeligt.

FORTÆLLER: Til gengæld for tysk enhed lovede Vesten at undlade at lade NATO rykke længere mod øst. I Washington afgiver den daværende udenrigsminister vidtrækkende løfter.

HANS DIETRICH GENSCHER: Vi blev enige om, at det ikke er hensigten at udvide NATO’s forsvarsområde mod øst. Det gælder i øvrigt ikke kun med hensyn til D.D.R. [Østtyskland], som vi ikke ønsker at indlemme der, men det gælder helt generelt.

[skærmvisning – “1999”: Videoen viser udenrigsminister Madeleine Albright og tre udenrigsministre på et podium. Bag dem ses USA’s, NATO’s og andre flag.]

FORTÆLLER: Et kortvarigt løfte. De første østeuropæiske lande bliver optaget i NATO. Udenrigsminister Madeleine Albright stråler, da hun omfavner sine kolleger fra Polen, Tjekkiet og Ungarn. Et truende greb set fra Moskvas synspunkt. Men de er for svage til at reagere. [slut video]

ZEPP-LAROUCHE: Så, man har Dumas, Genscher, Matlock, som alle bekræfter, at disse løfter blev aftalt, og som klart modsiger den officielle erklæring om, at sådanne løfter aldrig blev afgivet, hvilket NATO’s generalsekretær, Jens Stoltenberg, altid gentager.

Så sent som i dag rapporterer Spiegel Magazine i Tyskland om et nyligt fremkommet, tidligere hemmeligt, klassificeret dokument i det britiske nationalarkiv, som blev opdaget af den amerikanske politolog Joshua Shifrinson, om et møde mellem de politiske ansvarlige for udenrigsministerierne i USA, Storbritannien, Frankrig og Tyskland i Bonn den 6. marts 1991. I dokumentet står der, at alle var enige om, at et NATO-medlemskab for de østeuropæiske lande ville være uacceptabelt. Jürgen Chrobog, repræsentant fra Bonn, citeres: “At en udvidelse af NATO hinsides Elben ville være uacceptabel. Derfor bør Polen og de andre lande ikke tilbydes NATO-medlemskab.”

USA’s repræsentant på dette møde, Raymond Seitz, var enig i, at de under 2+4-samtalerne havde lovet Sovjetunionen, at NATO ikke ville udvide formelt eller uformelt mod øst.

Spiegel påpeger, at russerne allerede i 1993, længe før Putin, klagede over, at en udvidelse af NATO mod øst ville krænke ånden i 2+4-samtalerne. Det blev ikke skrevet ned, men begge parter handlede i 1990 i god tro, noget, som tilsyneladende er [gået] helt tabt.

Allerede dengang blev den gode tro imidlertid ikke delt af alle. I stedet for et nyt system, der ville yde sikkerhed for alle, hvilket også kunne have omfattet Ruslands optagelse i NATO, startede de neokonservative i USA og deres britiske kolleger “Projektet for et Nyt amerikansk Århundrede”, som var et initiativ til at opbygge en unipolær verden. Den irrationelle opstemthed overtog ikke kun markederne, som Alan Greenspan bemærkede på et tidspunkt i 90’erne, men det var euforien over, at det vestlige liberale system havde “vundet” Den kolde Krig, som blev den fortælling, der erstattede den historiske kendsgerning.

Francis Fukuyamas tåbelige og fuldstændig grundløse, forkerte argument om historiens afslutning, som betød, at det liberale demokrati ville brede sig til alle lande på verdensplan, begyndte at lægge et røgslør over de vestlige etablissementers tankegang. Måden, hvorpå denne unipolære verden skulle oprettes, var imidlertid ikke så smuk. Farverevolutioner – orange, rosa, hvide, gule, arabiske – næsten hele regnbuens spektrum – blev støttet med milliarder af dollars: 5 milliarder dollars til Ukraine alene, til NGO’ere, før 2014, som Victoria Nuland åbenlyst pralede med. Det omfattede støtte til et kup i Kiev i 2014, som bragte offentligt bekendende nazistiske kræfter i Stepan Banderas tradition til magten; netværk, som var blevet opretholdt af NATO’s efterretningstjenester i organisationer som den Anti-Bolsjevikiske Blok af Nationer i efterkrigstiden med henblik på en potentiel konfrontation med Sovjetunionen.

“Så disse efterretningstjenester vidste præcis, hvem der udførte kuppet på Maidan. Det var som en reaktion på den brutale undertrykkelse af den russisktalende befolkning i Ukraine, at folk på Krim ved en folkeafstemning stemte for at de ønskede at tilslutte sig Rusland, så der var ingen tvungen ændring af Krims grænser.”

Naturligvis skulle FN-pagten og folkeretten i denne proces erstattes af en “regelbaseret orden”. Dette skete med omfattende støtte fra Tony Blair, som i 1999 i Chicago argumenterede for humanitære interventionistiske krige, “retten til at beskytte”: at man måtte erklære afslutningen på den Westfalske Fred.

Omstændighederne omkring den 11. september, som Lyndon LaRouche havde advaret om ni måneder før det skete, som en “Reichstagsbrand”, der var ved at ske, hvilket eliminerede en betydelig del af borgerrettighederne i USA og dannede grundlaget for de endeløse krige, begyndende med Afghanistan – den første krig baseret på løgne. Det der fulgte, var Colin Powells løgne over for FN i 2003 om masseødelæggelsesvåben i Irak, efterfulgt af krigene i Libyen med mordet på Gaddafi, forsøget på at vælte Assad-regeringen i Syrien og direkte og indirekte talrige andre militære operationer: Resultatet var millioner af døde og sårede og millioner af flygtninge.

Var alt dette i USA’s eller Vestens interesse i almindelighed?

Resultatet var et gigantisk tilbageslag. Putin, som i de første år af sit præsidentembede havde mange beundrere i Vesten, blev i stigende grad upopulær hos arkitekterne af den unipolære verden, fordi han ikke underkastede sig den “regelbaserede orden”. Han begyndte at genrejse Ruslands rolle som en aktør i verden. I 2008 i Georgien og i 2015 i Syrien og nu for nylig ved at kræve, at NATO’s ekspansion mod øst ikke blot stoppes, men også tilbageføres til 1997-status, og ved at kræve skriftlige, juridisk bindende garantier fra USA og NATO om, at Ukraine aldrig bliver medlem, at der ikke må være offensive våbensystemer langs den russiske grænse, og at NATO ikke rykker længere mod øst.

Hvis man ser på de sidste 30 års historie, er dette faktisk et ganske beskedent krav. Også i lyset af, at Ukraine ikke opfylder kravene i NATO-traktatens artikel 5 og 10, som general Kujat, den tidligere stabschef for Bundeswehr, korrekt hævder.

I mellemtiden har et andet udslag af modstand mod den “regelbaserede orden” fået en fremtrædende plads. Kina, som havde sin egen plan for en eurasisk landbro, reagerede meget positivt på de programmer, som Schiller Instituttet foreslog for en ny silkevej, men som i første omgang mislykkedes. Det var for økonomisk svagt til at gennemføre disse planer efter den såkaldte “Asien-krise” i 1997, hvor nogle asiatiske landes valutaer blev brutalt spekuleret i sænk af folk som Soros, der på en uge frarøvede landene det, som deres befolkninger havde oparbejdet i årtier.

Kinas reaktion på denne hændelse og de overordnede mål om fattigdomsbekæmpelse i hele verden var præsident Xi Jinpings bekendtgørelse af Den nye Silkevej i 2013 i Kasakhstan. Dette uden sammenligning største infrastrukturprojekt i historien er blevet en omfattende succeshistorie med næsten 150 involverede lande. Men især Kinas fortsatte økonomiske fremgang som lokomotivet i Bælte- og Vej-Initiativet fik fortalerne for den unipolære verden og deres finansfolk i City of London, Wall Street og Silicon Valley til i stigende grad at karakterisere Rusland og Kina som “autokratiske”, “autoritære” og værre ting.

Disse angreb havde som forventet den følgevirkning, der var et mareridt for folk som Zbigniew Brzezinski, Dick Cheney og beslægtede, nemlig at disse to lande – Rusland og Kina – har skabt et partnerskab uden fortilfælde. Den 4. februar, i begyndelsen af de Olympiske Vinterlege i Beijing, underskrev præsident Putin og præsident Xi Jinping et dokument om et omfattende strategisk partnerskab, som ifølge deres egne beskrivelser udgør en model for de fremtidige internationale forbindelser mellem nationer, der vil være baseret på gensidig hensyntagen til den andens interesser inden for det fulde spektrum af økonomiske, politiske, kulturelle og militære områder. [http://en.kremlin.ru/supplement/5770]

Denne aftale har formelt sat en stopper for ideen om en unipolær verden. Det er en historisk kendsgerning, der er kommet for at blive, ikke mindst fordi den kombinerer Ruslands marginale militære overlegenhed med den kinesiske økonomis styrke, og i praksis indebærer det, at den slags trusler, som blev fremsat af de to unavngivne embedsmænd fra Det Hvide Hus, om at USA i tilfælde af en invasion af Ukraine ville forhindre Rusland i at diversificere fra olie og gas og nægte det adgang til avancerede teknologier. Aftalen mellem Kina og Rusland har gjort denne trussel forældet.

Det er nu på tide, at alle klart tænkende og fredselskende mennesker i Vesten genovervejer den strategiske og historiske situation uden fordomme eller ideologiske tilbøjeligheder. Hvis menneskeheden skal have en sikker og lykkelig fremtid, må vi opgive den geopolitiske tankegang i form af konfrontation og erstatte den med en plan for samarbejde mellem alle nationer med henblik på en fælles fremtid for menneskeheden. For det er hvad vi har, på godt og ondt.

Det er på høje tid at erklære NATO for forældet og erstatte det med en international sikkerhedsarkitektur, som garanterer sikkerhedsinteresserne for alle nationer på planeten. I stedet for at behandle det nye omfattende partnerskab mellem Rusland og Kina som en fjendtlig sammenslutning, der skal bekæmpes med et nyt våbenkapløb, bør Europas, USA’s og andre kontinenters nationer signalere, at de er villige til at indgå i en ny ”westfalsk” fredsforhandling, som vil være baseret på den andens interesser og alles fælles bedste. Det stod klart for de kræfter, der forhandlede denne traktat fra 1644-1648, at der ikke kunne være nogen vinder i fortsættelsen af Trediveårskrigen, som i virkeligheden var kulminationen på 150 års religionskrig i Europa, hvor en tredjedel af befolkningen og værdierne var blevet ødelagt.

I dag ville det være så meget mere klart for alle parter, at en fortsættelse af konfrontationen, herunder truslen om atomar udryddelse af hele menneskeslægten, ikke vil efterlade nogen som vinder.

En sådan ny Westfalsk Traktat må være baseret på principper, som er i overensstemmelse med naturloven og lovmæssigheden i det fysiske univers. Den skal afspejle skønheden i den menneskelige art, som er den eneste hidtil kendte art, der er udstyret med kreativ fornuft, hvilket adskiller os fra alle dyr og andre former for liv. Naturligvis skal den nye Vestfalske Traktat ligesom den oprindelige Vestfalske Fred omhandle alle specifikke emner som Minsk II-aftalerne og andre territoriale knaster, men også vor tids store udfordringer som f.eks. et globalt sundhedssystem til bekæmpelse af pandemier, afhjælpning af den globale hungersnød af bibelske dimensioner, som [den administrerende direktør for FN’s Verdensfødevareprogram ] David Beasley taler om, afhjælpning af fattigdom i hele verden og andre anliggender, der vedrører hele menneskehedens fælles bedste.

Den umiddelbare opgave, der ligger foran os, er at organisere alle landes samarbejde med projekter i Bælte- og Vej-initiativet, som allerede er beskrevet meget mere detaljeret i den rapport, vi offentliggjorde i 2014: “Den nye Silkevej bliver til Verdenslandbroen”, en omfattende plan for udvikling og integration af alle klodens kontinenter. Den skal tage fat på den umiddelbare fare for et systemisk sammenbrud af det transatlantiske finanssystem, som de Fire Love, der blev udformet af Lyndon LaRouche for mange år siden, er den tilgængelige løsning på. (https://larouchepub.com/lar/2014/4124four_laws.html) Og den skal definere de områder, hvor der er brug for et nødvendigt internationalt samarbejde, såsom den hurtigst mulige realisering af en ny økonomisk platform baseret på termonuklear fusionsenergi, for at opnå energi- og råvaresikkerhed for alle nationer. Den skal definere fredeligt samarbejde inden for rumforskning, rumfart og kolonisering af rummet.

Vi er den kreative art, og det er nu det rette tidspunkt i vores historie til at bevise det.

Et sidste punkt. Hvis man sammenligner den Westfalske Freds succes med Versailles-traktatens totale fiasko, som ikke tog hensyn til alle deltagende parters interesser, men blot udgjorde optakten til den næste verdenskrig, så burde det være indlysende, at princippet om alle nationers suverænitet, forenet af et højere mål om én menneskehed, skal opretholdes.

Vi bør derfor vende tilbage til ånden fra Berlinmurens fald, som kunne have været en “menneskehedens stjernestund” (på tysk eine Sternstunde der Menschheit), og potentialet i 2+4-aftalen, som ikke blot var en egentlig fredstraktat, der afsluttede efterkrigstiden og teoretisk set etablerede den tyske suverænitet, men som alle ved, er denne suverænitet som følge af den ovenfor beskrevne udvikling aldrig kommet til udtryk i tyskernes bevidsthed, hvor ordet “suverænitet”, i modsætning til Frankrig, hvor suverænisterne er i flertal, ikke engang er kendt af den gennemsnitlige borger i Tyskland. Det skal der også rettes op på og gøres noget ved.

Så lad os vende dette yderst farlige øjeblik til en chance for at skabe en ny æra for menneskeheden. Lad os skabe en ægte “menneskehedens stjernestund”, som er den udødelige art værdig, som vi er skabt til at være.

Mange tak.




Interview: Li Xing, phd: Den fælles erklæring fra Kina og Rusland af 4. februar:
En erklæring om en ny æra og en ny verdensorden

22. februar 2022 – Schiller Instituttet i Danmark gennemførte et 45-minutters interview med Dr. Li Xing, professor i udvikling og internationale relationer ved Institut for Politik og Samfund, Det Humanistiske og Samfundsvidenskabelige Fakultet, Aalborg Universitet, Danmark.

Dr. Li beskriver indholdet af den fælles erklæring af 4. februar 2022 mellem Kina og Rusland og analyserer, hvad dette betyder for forbindelserne mellem Kina og Rusland, men også for resten af verden. De emner, der diskuteres, omfatter unipolaritet eller multipolaritet, et nyt forhold mellem nationer, demokrati, økonomisk udvikling, en amerikansk domineret “regelbaseret orden” eller en FN-baseret orden, behovet for en ny international sikkerhedsarkitektur, som efterlyst af Helga Zepp-LaRouche, og hvordan Kina vil reagere på de kraftige vestlige sanktioner mod Rusland, der er udløst af Ukraine-krisen.

Dr. Li havde også givet Schiller Instituttet et interview den 26. januar med titlen “Samarbejd med Kina”: Det er ikke fjenden”

Afskrift på engelsk:

Interview: Li Xing, PhD
The China-Russia Feb. 4 Joint Statement:
A Declaration of a New Era and New World Order

Michelle Rasmussen: Presidents Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin held a summit meeting on the sidelines of the Beijing Olympics and issued a statement on Feb. 4 called Joint Statement of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China on the International Relations Entering a New Era and the Global Sustainable Development. Schiller Institute founder and international President Helga Zepp-LaRouche said that this signals a new era in international relations. To discuss the content and implications of the development, I am pleased to interview Dr. Li Xing, Professor of Development and International Relations in the Department of Politics and Society, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences from Aalborg University in Denmark. Dr. Li also gave the Schiller Institute an interview on Jan. 26 of this year, entitled “Cooperate with China. It Is not the Enemy.” 
Before we go into details, can you please give us your assessment of the overall importance of the summit and statement, including what it means for relations between China and Russia, and China-Russian relations with the rest of the world. And at the end of the interview, we will also discuss what it means in the current, very tense situation between Russia and NATO.

Li Xing: Thank you Michelle for your invitation. It’s my pleasure to be invited again by the Schiller Institute.
First of all let me emphasize that it is a landmark document. Why? Because the document emphasizes what I call a “new era,” declaring a shift in the world order, a multipolar world order, in which the U.S. and the West are not the only rule-makers, and Russia and China take the lead, and lay out a set of principles and a shared worldview. This is my first general summary.
Second, unlike the U.S./NATO alliance, the China-Russia relationship is described by the joint document as a “close comprehensive strategic partnership.” In Putin’s early words, he said, “The China-Russia relationship is a relationship that probably cannot be compared with anything in the world.” The relationship is not “aimed against any other countries.” It is “superior to the political and military alliances of the Cold War era,” referring to the U.S.-NATO alliance. It also echoes Xi Jinping’s recent statement, that “the relationship even exceeds an alliance in its closeness and effectiveness.” So the document tries to demonstrate that the China-Russia relationship is a good example of interstate relationships.

Rasmussen: You have characterized the introduction as “a conceptual understanding and analysis of global changes and transformations taking place in the current era.” It especially refers to the transformation from a unipolar to a multipolar world. Can you please explain how the statement addresses this, and what it means?

Li: In the beginning of this statement, it puts forward both countries’ conceptual understanding of the world order, which is characterized as “multipolarity, economic globalization, the advent of information society, cultural diversity, transformation of the global governance architecture and world order; there is increasing interrelation and interdependence between the States; a trend has emerged towards redistribution of power in the world.” [emphasis added by Li] “Redistribution of power in the world.” This is what the part emphasizes.
Second, this part also clearly sets up a series of analyses, arguments and discourses to demonstrate both countries’ understanding, and to emphasize the fact that the world order has entered a new era. Again, “new era” are the key words for this document.
Lastly, in this beginning part of the joint statement, it shows both Russia and China’s grand worldview that pave the foundation for the two countries’ broad consensus on almost all issues of the world, which we will deal with one by one later on.

Rasmussen: Part 1 is about the question of democracy, and it starts by saying: “The sides” —that is, China and Russia—”share the understanding that democracy is a universal human value, rather than a privilege of a limited number of States, and that its promotion and protection is a common responsibility of the entire world community.”
But the charge is that China and Russia are not democratic, but rather autocratic. This is one of the leading accusations by those in the West who are trying to maintain a unipolar world, and they portray the world as a battle between the democrats and the autocrats. How does the document respond to this, and treat the idea of democracy?

Li: Actually, this document utilizes a large amount of space to discuss this point. First, the joint statement points out that “democracy”—including human rights—”is a universal human value, rather than a privilege of a limited number of States.” So here it implies that the concept of democracy must not be defined by the West alone. The West cannot singlehandedly define which country is autocratic and which country is democratic.
Second, the joint document emphasizes that their standpoint is that there is no universal one-form document, or human rights standard. Different countries have different cultures, histories, different social-political systems in a multipolar world. We have to respect the way each country chooses their own social-political system, and also the tradition of other states.
Third, it signals a strong critique of the West, and in this part, there are a lot of criticisms toward the West. That is, that the West has a tendency to weaponize the issue of democracy and human rights, and very often uses it as a tool to interfere in other countries’ internal affairs. It is completely wrong for the U.S. and the West to impose their own “democratic standards” on other countries, and to monopolize the right to assess the level of compliance with democratic criteria, and to draw a dividing line on the basis of ideology, including by establishing exclusive blocs and lines of convenience, and this is very bad, according to these two countries, that the West tends to use democracy and human rights to interfere into other countries’ internal affairs, and China really suffers a lot from this point.

Rasmussen: How would you say democracy works in China?

Li: I would argue that if we use Western standards to define democracy, then definitely, China is not a democracy. In a Western version of democracy, China does not have a multi-party system, China does not have elections. But the point is, how the West will respond to the fact that according to major Western sources, survey data sources, throughout many years, that the Chinese people’s confidence in their government is the highest in the whole world. And the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese state receive the highest approval from the Chinese population according to those data. And also China has reached very high, rapid economic development, under the so-called “non-democratic government.” Now, how can the West explain these issues? Many democratic countries suffer from economic backwardness and underdevelopment.
So, as to the form of governance in China, I think it is the Chinese people, themselves, who should make the judgment.

Rasmussen: Let’s move on to part 2, which is about coordinating economic development initiatives, including harmonizing the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative, and also the Russian Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), even more, and taking initiatives to create economic development, where they emphasize the role of scientific research in generating economic growth, something that Lyndon LaRouche and our movement have had as a priority concept. And also increasing healthcare and pandemic response in poor countries. What do you see as the significance of this call for increasing economic development cooperation?

Li: Yes. I also read this part of the document very carefully. This part shows a clear difference in approach between the West and the U.S. on the one side, and China-Russia on the other side. While the West is emphasizing, or holding the flag of democracy and human rights, China-Russia actually emphasize that peace, development and cooperation lies at the core of the modern international system. So, according to the understanding of Russia and China, development is the key driver in ensuring the prosperity of other nations, even though democracy and human rights are important, but development must be the core. So it implies that good development will lead the country in the direction of democracy, but not defined solely by the West, the concept of democracy.
Second, that following this line of understanding, then China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union are good examples of interregional cooperation. So they actually use the Belt and Road, and also Russia’s Eurasia Economic Union, as good examples. One interesting point I want to emphasize is that both countries emphasize scientific and technological development, and “open, equal, and fair conditions.” I think here, there is a kind of implicit criticism toward the United States, which has been conducting sanctions against Chinese tech companies, for example, Huawei, or other high-tech companies.
Finally, I’ll remark here that both countries show their commitment to the Paris Agreement and to combat COVID-19, and these two issues are the most vital issues for the international community today. So it is a core for every country to emphasize these two vital issues: climate change, Paris Agreement, on the one side, and COVID-19 on the other side.

Rasmussen: Yes, I can add that Helga Zepp-LaRouche has initiated a proposal which she calls Operation Ibn Sina, which deals with the terrible humanitarian catastrophe in Afghanistan, leading off with creating a modern health system in every country. And if we could get much more international cooperation for building a modern health system, having the economic development which gives the basis for the population to have the immunology to resist disease, this would be a very important field for economic development, which means life and death at this moment.

Li: I fully agree with Helga’s understanding and call.

Rasmussen: As to part 3, this is about the increasing, dangerous international security situation, with a sharp critique of Western attitudes and actions. And the statement reads: “No State can or should ensure its own security separately from the security of the rest of the world and at the expense of the security of other States.” And here, China addresses Russia’s concerns and criticizes NATO’s expansion eastward after the Fall of the Berlin Wall. And Russia addresses China’s concerns by reaffirming the One-China principle and concerns about building different regional alliances against China —the Quad and AUKUS. It also praises the recent P5 statement against nuclear war.
Can you say more about China’s and Russia’s concerns? And do you think this is a call for a new international security architecture?

Li: Yes. If you read the document carefully, and this part on international security architecture, or their understanding of international security, occupied quite a large space. So it is a very important part for China and Russia.
In this part, the statement is actually bluntly clear about their mutual support for each other’s national security concerns. For Russia, it is connected with the Ukraine crisis, but the document does not mention Ukraine specifically, but it is connected. For China, it is the Taiwan issue, definitely. So they show their mutual support for each other.
On Russia’s concern for its national security, both countries oppose “further enlargement of NATO,” and “respect the sovereignty, security and interests of other countries.” And it clearly pronounced, there will be no peace if states “seek to obtain, directly or indirectly, unilateral military advantages to the detriment of the security of others.” The document claims that the NATO plan to enlarge its membership to encircle Russia will mean security for the Western side, but it is a danger for Russia. It is a national security concern.
On the Taiwan issue, Russia reconfirms that Taiwan is part of China—the One-China policy—and it is against any form of Taiwan independence.
Third, the joint statement also openly criticized the formation of closed blocs, as what you mentioned about the Quad. The document does not mention the Quad, but it does mention AUKUS. The document shows that both countries oppose U.S.-led military camps, or security camps in the Asia-Pacific region, definitely implying the Quad and AUKUS, and it points out the negative impact of the United States Indo-Pacific strategy.
Finally, the two countries call for a new international security architecture, with “equitable, open and inclusive security system … that is not directed against third countries and that promotes peace, stability and prosperity.” So this part is very important for China and Russia to challenge the traditional international security architecture, and call for a new international security architecture, which I will touch on a bit later.

Rasmussen: Many political spokesmen in the West have criticized Russia and China for not adhering to the “rules-based order” and here, in part 4, China and Russia write that they “strongly advocate the international system with the central coordinating role of the United Nations in international affairs, defend the world order based on international law, including the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, advance multipolarity and promote the democratization of international relations, together create an even more prospering, stable, and just world, jointly build international relations of a new type.”
And it continues: “The Russian side notes the significance of [Xi Jinping’s] concept of constructing a ‘community of common destiny for mankind…’”
Can you say more about the significance of this section, about global governance and the difference between the question of the “rules-based order” and an order based on international law, as laid out by the United Nations Charter?

Li: Yes. This part is extremely interesting, because it touches upon the mental clashes between China-Russia on the one side, and the U.S. and West on the other side, about the “rules-based order.” China, in particular, has been criticized a lot, as you also mentioned, that China has been accused by the U.S. of not following the “rules-based order.” If you remember the dialogue between a Chinese delegation and a U.S. delegation in Alaska in December two years ago, then we still remember the clash, that the Chinese claim that the U.S. rules-based order does not represent the global rules-based order, rather the United Nations—China emphasizes that the United Nations should play the central coordination role in international affairs. But the United States does not really like the UN-based structure, which is based on one-country/one-vote. So if we trace UN voting, we could easily find that the United States very often suffers from many setbacks when it comes to UN voting on many issues. So that’s why China emphasizes the United Nations rules-based order, whereas United States prefers a U.S. rules-based order.
And this joint statement also calls for advancing multipolarity and promoting democratization of international relations. In my interpretation, democratization of international relations implies that the power structure embedded in the Bretton Woods system, which was created by the United States after the Second World War, does not really reflect the new era, as I pointed out earlier. China and Russia think reforms are needed to reflect the new era. This definitely, again, from my interpretation, refers to international financial institutions like the World Bank, and the IMF, where Chinese voting power is proportionally weaker than it should have been, according to its economic size.
And also the joint statement mentions the China foreign policy, as you mentioned in your question, “community of common destiny for mankind,” which was raised by President Xi Jinping. And in this nexus China’s Belt and Road Initiative is a good example, seen from China’s point of view, a good example of community of common destiny for mankind, in which the Belt and Road intends to promote, through worldwide infrastructure investment, the formation of a new global economic order, through creating a community of shared interest, and the community of shared responsibilities.
Unfortunately, the West does not really like both a “community of common destiny for mankind,” and the Belt and Road Initiative, because they are interpreted as the Chinese agenda is to transform global governance and the rules-based order.
However, I really think that the West should rethink their opposition, and they must face the fact that the Belt and Road memorandum has been signed by 148 countries and by 32 international organizations. So, according to my judgment, the Belt and Road, and also a community for common destiny for mankind, have already become an indispensable part of global governance and global order.

Rasmussen: Yes, this is also to underscore what you said before, about how important economic development is for the wellbeing of the countries. And here you have China, which was the first country to eliminate poverty in their country, over the last 40 years, and is offering this as a model for other countries to get economic development. The slogan of the Schiller Institute is “Peace through Economic Development,”—

Li: Exactly.

Rasmussen: The way that you can get countries that have perceived each other as enemies to rise to a new level, to seek common interest, is through arranging economic development programs, not only for a single country, but for a whole region, which encourages them to work together. You spoke before about the Chinese criticism of the Bretton Woods institutions. What the Schiller Institute and Lyndon LaRouche have been saying, is that the initial idea of the Bretton Woods institutions as proposed by Franklin Roosevelt was to try to get the economic development of the poorer countries. But it degenerated into, for example, where you had the World Bank and International Monetary Fund imposing austerity conditions on countries as a precondition for loans, where nothing was done to actually increase the productivity of the countries, in the way that the Belt and Road is actually —with the infrastructure development, creating the basis for the countries to becoming prosperous. And what we’re saying is that the total change in the international financial institutions is absolutely necessary now, at a point where financial speculation is blowing out, hyperinflation, and we need to have a new economic architecture, you could say, based on the physical development of the countries.

Li: I fully agree with your remarks and comments.

Rasmussen: Then another important statement in part 4, is that Chinese-Russian relations have reached a new level, as you said at the beginning, “a new era.”
“The sides [China and Russia] call for the establishment of a new kind of relationship between world powers on the basis of mutual respect, peaceful coexistence and mutually beneficial cooperation. They reaffirm that the new inter-State relations between Russia and China are superior to political and military alliances of the Cold War era. Friendship between the two States has no limits, there are no ‘forbidden’ areas of cooperation, strengthening of bilateral strategic cooperation is neither aimed against third countries nor affected by the changing international environment and circumstantial changes in third countries.”
And yet, this is a plea to end the geopolitical blocs, where the two countries also call for strengthening multilateral fora, like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the BRICS.
Li Xing, what will this much strengthened alliance mean for China and Russia, and also for the rest of the world? Should the West be worried, or is this a plea for a new type of international relations? What are the implications for shaping the new world order? What is your conclusion from the joint statement?

Li: I think one of the purposes of the joint statement is to demonstrate the good example of the China-Russia relationship, characterized as mutual respect, peaceful coexistence, and mutually beneficial cooperation. It is not targetted at any other country. It is not like the U.S.-led coalitions which are Cold War minded, according to Russia and China’s understanding.
And if we look at the BRICS, and if you look at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, they are not purely juridical and geopolitical organizations or alliances. They are non-binding, open and non-binding.
After I read the document several times, I reached the conclusion that the unipolar world order is over. The West and the United States might have a hard time to accept it.
So the joint statement shows a strong unity between Russia and China. So my question is where is the West’s unity after the Cold War, and when the unipolar world order is over? How strong is the trans-Atlantic relationship today? I don’t know: I’m asking the questions to the West, the U.S. The West must rethink its Cold War strategy of reviving unity through creating enemies, and I think this is a completely wrong strategy, in a multipolar world order, where countries are much more interdependent. So it is necessary for the U.S. to rethink its own version of the rules-based order, in which the U.S. is the rule-maker and others are rule-followers. And this does not work in a new era any more. That is my conclusion after reading the joint statement.

Rasmussen: Now, as to the current situation, today is Feb. 22, and yesterday, Russia recognized the two breakaway republics in Ukraine as independent republics, which is now going to lead to very heavy sanctions by the West. Putin’s point was that these sanctions would have come anyway, but in any case, without going into the details of the Ukraine-Russia-U.S./NATO crisis, the fact is that Russia will be most probably faced with enormously hard sanctions.
In our last interview, you were asked, for example, if Russia were thrown out of the SWIFT system, how would China react? Now it’s a question of the not only of the SWIFT system, but also of other major financial penalties. How do you see China reacting, in light of the joint statement, to the new sanctions against Russia, that will most probably come?

Li: Let me first of all put it in this way: That sanctions are never one-sided punishments. That both sides will suffer. It’s like President Trump’s trade war, that President Trump thought the trade war would hurt China. Yes, it hurt China, but it had a backlash, a backfire to the U.S. economy. And today, if you look at the U.S. economy, the inflation actually is, one way or another, connected with the trade war, as well. It was one of the outcomes.
Now, sanctions against Russia will also cause mutually suffering by both sides. Because if you look at the European dependence on Russia’s oil and gas, it’s about 30-35%; some countries more, some less. If Russia is thrown out of the SWIFT system, which means that Russia cannot have international trade, then Europe cannot pay Russia as well, then the oil or gas pipelines will be blocked, which is in the interest of the United States, but not in the interest of Europe. This is the first point.
Second, that China and Russia have already agreed that they are not going to use dollars for their bilateral trade. So that doesn’t really matter seen from the Russian and Chinese perspective, and in light of the spirit of this joint statement. So definitely China will continue to do business with Russia, and if the U.S. is saying that any country that is doing business Russia will be sanctioned as well, then the U.S. is creating even a larger, a bigger enemy. And China is a different story. And Russia, because Russia’s economy, Russia’s economic-financial status is relatively limited, compared with China. China is the second largest economy in the world.
By the way, China is the largest trading nation in the world. And you can see that last year, the China and EU trade reached more than 850 billion! That’s a lot! And look at the China-U.S. trade as well. If you punish China, in what way? I cannot imagine it. Take China out of the SWIFT system as well? No, you can’t do that! Then the whole world is blocked! Then no trade, no economic development at all.
So these are grave consequences of sanctions. I cannot predict the future situations. Until now I haven’t read any concrete reaction from the Chinese government, but I guess, following the spirit of this document, which was signed three weeks ago, definitely, China is going to act. China will also act in accordance with the spirit of solidarity between both countries.

Rasmussen: Our analysts were saying that it may be the case that China would buy more oil and gas and other products from Russia. Actually, one thing is that today, February 21 , is the 50th anniversary of Nixon’s trip to China, [February 21 to 28, 1972] and the opening up of relations, andthe United States commitment to the One-China policy. And at that time, many people were saying that Kissinger’s strategy was to open up the relations to China, as a way of isolating Russia, of putting Russia aside. But the fact is that these sanctions and this type of policy over the recent period, has done more to bring Russia and China together, as signified by this document. What is your reaction to that? But also the prospects of how we get out of this?
Lyndon LaRouche, for many years, called for a “Four Power” agreement between the United States, Russia, China, and India. How can we break through, looking at the world as Russia and China on one side, andthe U.S. and Europe on the other side, how can we get a cooperation among the great powers for the necessity of dealing with these other very serious crises the world is facing?

Li: Extremely interesting that you mentioned Nixon’s trip, of playing the “China card,” during the Cold War, in the beginning of the 1970s. You are completely right that the U.S. has historically enjoyed a very favorable position, in which the U.S. has been able to keep relatively stable relations with China, relatively stable relations with Soviet Union, at that time—but making the Soviet Union and China fight each other all the time. And especially after the Cold War, the U.S. still had this favorable position—relatively stable relations with both countries, but China and Russia still had difficult relations with each other.
But today, the situation is reversed. It’s totally shocking that the U.S. is fighting both world powers simultaneously. If you remember that the former U.S. National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, he wrote, before he died, he wrote clearly, that the worst situation for the United States, for the West is when Iran, Russia, and China become a bloc, become an alliance, with China as the economic driver, the economic power. I was very surprised that his words are becoming true today!
So, the only way we can come to the second part of your question, about how we can manage major power relations, is in line with the spirit of the Schiller Institute conference that took place last week and its call for establishing a new international security architecture. There is no other way. The Western dominance, the U.S. singlehanded dominance, the unipolar world is over. We need what Helga proposed, to establish a new international security architecture. We don’t know exactly what the form of this architecture, but that needs discussion from both sides! Unless the international community forms a kind of great, new international security architecture, conflict will continue.

Rasmussen: And then, as we spoke, it goes hand in hand with the increasing economic cooperation and the determination of the great powers to really do something for the economic development of the poor parts of the world.

Li: Yes, definitely. I agree with you. Thank you.

Rasmussen: Is there anything else you would like to add?

Li: No, I just want to add the last point, that I am very amazed by this joint statement, because I have come across many joint statements by two countries, or by multiple countries. But this one is the most comprehensive political document I have ever come across, because it covers every aspect of the world order, international relations, governance, security, values, norms, technology, climate change, health—you name it. So it is an extremely comprehensive document, which shows what Russia and China envision as a just world order.
So I would argue that this document implies a kind of new world order which Russia and China are going to, not only propose, but also push forward.
Unfortunately, this document has been demonized by many Western media—I have read many media talking about — to me it’s a kind of Cold War syndrome, because those media describe the document as creating a “bipolar world,” they say bipolar world, with the Russia and China/autocracies on the one side, and the U.S. and the West/democracies on the other side. So to me again, it’s a dividing line, when they allege that this document divides the world into two camps again. So to me, this is a typical Cold War syndrome.
Again, I come back to my last point: That we need a new international security architecture, as the Schiller Institute also proposed during the conference last week. Otherwise, there will be no peace and development. Thank you.

Rasmussen: Thank you so much, Li Xing. This has been a very important discussion.

Li: Thank you very much.




At skrive et nyt kapitel i menneskehedens historie

Den17. februar (EIRNS) – “Hvorfor Ukraine? Hvorfor nu?”

Skønt det, der var blevet bekendtgjort som dagen for Ruslands invasion af Ukraine, er kommet og gået, og mens Rusland mobiliserer for at flytte tropper fra sine vestlige grænseregioner og Hviderusland tilbage til deres baser, er den enorme trussel om militær konflikt ikke aftaget. Der lyder fortsat skingre råb fra USA, Storbritannien, NATO og de etablerede medier. Og truslen kan ikke løses ved tiltag på selve den “ukrainske” arena.

Den strategiske krise, der manifesterer sig i det østlige Ukraine, har ikke sin oprindelse i denne region og kan ikke forstås som en hændelse. Den er det lokale udbrud af en uforløst spænding, der er indeholdt i konflikten mellem de fysisk-økonomiske forudsætninger for en voksende og velfungerende menneskehed og det døende, unipolære angloamerikanske geopolitiske system, som ikke tolererer nogen rivaler til sit herredømme.

Selve dette oligarkiske systems eksistens, er truet af Kinas fremgang og Ruslands uafhængighed. Det er truslen mod denne oligarkiske identitet, der er drivkraften bag de konflikter, der i øjeblikket udspiller sig i Ukraine og Taiwan. Det er de bankerotte, hyperinflationære økonomier i det transatlantiske område, som kræver mere end uendelige redningspakker for at bevare deres position. Og det er denne elites anti-menneskelige natur, der kommer til udtryk i den nulvækstfascisme, som skal gennemtvinges i form af “grønne” forordninger.

Men den fælles aftale af 4. februar mellem Rusland og Kina udtrykker på det skarpeste, at det anglo-amerikanske finansielle nulvækst-imperium er fortid: “I dag gennemgår verden betydningsfulde omvæltninger, og menneskeheden er på vej ind i en ny æra med rivende udvikling og dybtgående transformationer… Der er opstået en tendens til en omfordeling af magten i verden, og det internationale samfund viser en stigende efterspørgsel efter lederskab, der tilstræber en fredelig og gradvis udvikling.”

Det såkaldte Vestens “regelbaserede orden”, vil blive fremtidens ” internationalt lovbaserede orden”. Det er slut med at bruge “demokrati” og “menneskerettigheder” som påskud for at blande sig i andre nationers anliggender. Sikkerhed skal antage en global, inkluderende karakter. NATO har overlevet ethvert nyttigt formål, som det havde engang, og det er på tide at “i fællesskab opbygge internationale forbindelser af en ny karakter”. Denne relation mellem Rusland og Kina “har ingen begrænsninger”, og “der er ingen ‘forbudte’ samarbejdsområder”.

Truslen om krig, en atomkrig, der kan afslutte civilisationen, kan kun overvindes ved globalt at indføre et nyt paradigme for internationale relationer og med en medmenneskelig selvforståelse. De bankerotte anglo-amerikanske eliter, kan ikke længere få lov til at pålægge hele jorden deres dagsorden. Verden – herunder helt klart USA selv! – må frigøres fra menneskehedens dårligdom, for at tage de smukke og inspirerende udfordringer op med at mestre fusionsenergi, at afskaffe fattigdommen på verdensplan inden for et årti, at udvide vores evner i rummet og at revolutionere jordens infrastrukturplatforme.

Faren og løftet i dette øjeblik, hvor paradigmer brydes, er emnet for Schiller Instituttets konference på lørdag: “100 sekunder til midnat på dommedagsuret”: Vi har brug for en ny sikkerhedsarkitektur!”

Udvalgt billede: Cottonbro, Pexels